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<h2>I want to Represent those who have felt they don't have a voice in our politics.</h2><img src="https://run.imgix.net/0ba9c9f0-ebea-4f03-863e-201e8e9169d7/952e6d04-7017-4d7b-b2e2-e8490ac81c50/952e6d04-7017-4d7b-b2e2-e8490ac81c50.jpg?ixlib=js-3.8.0&amp;bri=0&amp;con=0&amp;sat=0&amp;high=0&amp;shad=0&amp;usm=0&amp;rect=0%2C0%2C960%2C1280&amp;w=1500" alt="" caption="" align="left" alignwidth="40" tiltdirection="left" variant="framed"><h3>Growing up in Iowa, Arizona and South Dakota, I never thought I would end up spending my life and career in New York City. After over two decades of entrepreneurship and service, I am ready to go to Congress and fight for a better America and better New York.</h3><h4>Every New Yorker deserves to have a safe, dignified home that they can afford to raise a family and grow old in.</h4>I know who I am fighting for, like my grandmother here, and I want to make sure that the next generation of New Yorkers and Americans are able to live a fulfilling life with healthcare coverage, continued education, affordable housing and all the opportunities that previous generations have had from this country.

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“I've been solving problems for people to make their lives easier, from delivering transportation solutions, fixing broken systems, and working as an Apple Genius. I'm running for Congress to take those problem solving skills to Congress to make the lives of New Yorkers affordable and accessible while delivering justice and accountability in Washington"

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Micah's life has been filled with valuable life experiences, entrepreneurship and a commitment to service and advocacy.

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Micah Bergdale is running for Congress because he wants to see meaningful changes to fix our national problems. The issues below are just some of the policy concepts and proposals that Micah plans to propose if elected to Congress.

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Micah Bergdale is running for New York's 12th Congressional District in the 2026 Election.

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One of the most meaningful experiences of my life was meeting Shimon Peres in Israel. Sitting with a man who had seen every phase of his country’s history—from its creation to its greatest conflicts—and still chose to believe in peace left a profound mark on me. He spoke not only about security and survival, but about imagination, courage, and the moral responsibility to see the humanity of the other side. His lifelong insistence that Israel’s future depended on peace, partnership, and shared prosperity is a big part of why I believe what I believe today.My Israel policy begins from that place. I want to help fulfill the vision that Shimon Peres spent his entire life advocating for: an Israel that is safe and secure, a Palestine that is free and self-determining, and a region where coexistence is not a slogan but a daily reality. Everything that follows—my support for people-to-people programs, for elevating women as leaders in peacebuilding, and for redirecting resources away from endless war and toward human dignity—is my way of carrying forward that legacy into the 21st century.<h3>Replacing Endless War with Human-Centered Investment</h3>I believe the United States should invest less in bombs and more in people. Lasting security does not come from ever-expanding stockpiles of weapons; it comes from strong communities, quality education, economic opportunity, and a deep respect for human dignity—especially for women and children who bear the brunt of conflict. Our foreign policy should reflect that truth.As a member of Congress, I would oppose and work to eliminate any direct U.S. military aid to Israel that is used to harm Palestinian civilians or entrench occupation. American taxpayer dollars should never bankroll the collective punishment of an entire population or the erosion of basic human rights. Instead, I would fight to reallocate those funds toward people and institutions committed to peace:<ul><li>Grassroots organizations that bring Israelis and Palestinians together to build trust and shared projects</li><li>Educational institutions and exchange programs that foster mutual understanding and critical thinking</li><li>Women-led organizations and community leaders, who are too often excluded from decision-making but are essential to breaking cycles of violence</li></ul>Any aid we provide must be tightly conditioned, transparent, and aligned with international law and basic human rights. My goal is simple: redirect our resources away from fueling conflict and toward empowering individuals, communities, and especially women who are ready to lead the way toward a just and lasting peace for both Israelis and Palestinians.<h3>Confronting Hamas and Elevating Peace-Loving Palestinian Leadership</h3>I believe Hamas is a death cult—one of the most dangerous ideological forces within the broader Muslim and Palestinian communities. Its strategy depends on perpetual violence, the sacrifice of civilians, and the destruction of any hope for genuine coexistence. There can be no just and lasting peace while Hamas maintains power or while its hateful, extremist ideology continues to shape life in Gaza and beyond.As a member of Congress, I will support policies that both protect Israeli and Palestinian civilians and work to consign Hamas’s ideology to the dustbin of history. That means:<ul><li>Working to cut off every last dollar, weapon, and logistical channel that sustains Hamas and similar extremist groups.</li><li>Supporting efforts to disarm and dismantle Hamas’s military capabilities consistent with international law and the protection of civilians.</li><li>Elevating moderate, peace-seeking Palestinian leaders—in civil society, government, education, and especially women-led organizations—so they can build legitimate, accountable institutions in Gaza, the West Bank, and across the Palestinian diaspora.</li></ul>My goal is not endless war; it is to break the cycle of extremism by isolating and defeating Hamas’s ideology while empowering Palestinians who are ready to build democratic, rights-respecting leadership and live side by side with Israelis in safety, dignity, and peace.<h3>People-to-People Peace, Led by Women</h3>One of the most powerful ways to achieve peace is to create real space for dialogue. For too long, too little has been done by the United States, Israel, or Palestinian leaders to bring everyday Israelis and Palestinians together—to talk, to debate, and yes, even to argue face to face. When people meet in person, they see each other as human beings, not enemies. Today, too many Israelis and Palestinians have lost sight of each other’s humanity, and the only way to repair that is to invest in events, programs, and institutions that continually bring them into the same room.I believe women must be at the center of this effort. The Israeli–Palestinian conflict has been dominated by men fighting men, too often driven by ego rather than a genuine desire to end the conflict. As a member of Congress, I will work to elevate women leaders in both Israeli and Palestinian communities and support people-to-people initiatives that make dialogue, cooperation, and shared problem-solving a permanent part of the peace process—not an afterthought.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has felt intractable for my entire life. I have traveled to Israel and the West Bank numerous times in my adult life, and I have had the opportunity to travel throughout the Middle East and meet leaders and activists in these countries. I truly want to see an end to the constant cycle of violence, and I have realistic policy proposals that could help achieve that.

Israel & Palestine, A Path to Peace

<h3>Daycare, Pre-K, and Family Caregiver Support in Every Community</h3>In the United States, we treat early childhood care like a private luxury instead of what it actually is: essential infrastructure for families and the economy. Parents are forced to choose between paying more than their rent for daycare, working fewer hours, or dropping out of the workforce entirely. At the same time, we know that high-quality early learning from birth to age five sets children up for life.I support a Universal Early Learning and Care Guarantee: every family, in every community in the United States, should have access to affordable, high-quality daycare and universal Pre-K—and families who choose to care for their young children at home should receive meaningful financial support for that caregiving.<h3>Core Principles</h3>This policy is built on a few clear commitments:<ul><li>Universal access. Every child from birth to kindergarten entry should have a guaranteed place in a licensed, high-quality early learning program—center-based, school-based, or home-based—according to family choice.</li><li>Affordability. No family should be forced to pay unaffordable sums for care. Early learning costs should be capped as a small share of household income, with care fully subsidized for low-income families.</li><li>High quality and developmentally appropriate. Early learning must be safe, nurturing, and play-based, with strong standards that support children’s social, emotional, and cognitive development—not just test prep for kindergarten.</li><li>Respect for caregivers as professionals. Early childhood educators should earn wages and benefits comparable to K–12 teachers with similar credentials and experience.</li><li>Family choice and flexibility. Families—not the government—choose the setting, language, culture, and schedule that works for them. Public funding follows the child.</li><li>Respect for all caregiving choices. Families who prefer licensed centers, school-based programs, home-based providers, or care by parents and grandparents should all be supported, as long as children are safe and receiving developmentally appropriate early learning.</li><li>Equity and inclusion. Programs must be fully inclusive of children with disabilities, multilingual learners, and children from all racial, cultural, and family backgrounds.</li></ul><h3>What the Policy Does</h3><h4>1. Universal, Free Pre-K for All 3- and 4-Year-Olds</h4><ul><li>Guarantees free, voluntary Pre-K for all 4-year-olds nationwide, with a planned phase-in to include 3-year-olds.</li><li>Pre-K can be delivered in public schools, community-based organizations, Head Start programs, tribal programs, and licensed nonprofit or for-profit providers that meet high quality standards.</li><li>Programs are full-school-day and full-school-year by default, with options for extended hours for working families.</li></ul><h4>2. Affordable Daycare for Infants and Toddlers (0–3)</h4><ul><li>Creates a sliding-scale system so that daycare for children under three is free for families with low incomes and becomes progressively capped as income rises, ensuring middle-class families never pay a crushing share of their income for care.</li><li>Public funding can be used at a range of settings—licensed centers, licensed home-based providers, and family childcare networks—so long as they meet strong health, safety, and quality standards.</li><li>Encourages employer partnerships so businesses can contribute to and benefit from expanded access, especially in high-cost and shortage areas.</li></ul><h4>3. A Mixed-Delivery System That Uses What Already Works</h4><ul><li>Builds on and expands Head Start, Early Head Start, and high-quality community programs, rather than replacing them.</li><li>Supports school districts that want to expand Pre-K, but does not require that all services be run by public schools.</li><li>In rural and small communities, invests in family childcare homes, shared-services networks, and regional hubs to ensure access even where population density is low.</li></ul><h3>Supporting Families Who Choose to Care for Children at Home</h3>Universal Early Learning and Care must not force families into one model of childcare. Some parents and grandparents want to provide care themselves—often for cultural, financial, or trust reasons—but they are effectively penalized when public support only flows to institutional providers.I support a Family Caregiver Early Learning Allowance so that stay-at-home parents, grandparents, or other kin caregivers who provide a structured, developmentally appropriate early learning environment at home can receive financial support parallel to what the public would invest if that child were enrolled in a community daycare or Pre-K program.Under this approach:<ul><li>Care at home is recognized as real early learning. Families who choose to keep their young children at home or in kin-based care can opt into the public system by agreeing to basic health, safety, and early-learning guidelines.</li><li>Payments follow the child, not just the provider. A portion of the public funding that would have gone to a center, school, or nonprofit provider instead goes directly to the eligible caregiver—typically the parent or grandparent—through a monthly Early Learning Caregiver Payment.</li><li>Light-touch quality standards, strong respect for family autonomy. To qualify, caregivers commit to providing age-appropriate early learning activities (reading, play-based learning, social-emotional routines), maintaining safe conditions, and participating in periodic check-ins or optional workshops—not to replicating a formal classroom.</li><li>Access to materials and support. Families receiving the allowance are also eligible for free or low-cost early learning kits (books, toys, art supplies), developmental screenings, parent coaching, and connections to health and nutrition programs such as WIC and SNAP.</li><li>Cultural and linguistic relevance. This model explicitly supports families who want to nurture their child in their home language and cultural traditions, while still giving children access to high-quality early learning experiences.</li></ul>To protect equity and prevent abuse:<ul><li>Income-sensitive design. The Family Caregiver Early Learning Allowance is most generous for low- and middle-income families, ensuring that staying home with young children is a real, not merely theoretical, option.</li><li>Clear guardrails. Funds are for children’s care and early learning—not a general income replacement program. States administer and audit the program to prevent fraud and ensure children are safe.</li><li>No penalty for later enrolling. If a family later chooses to move their child into center-based care or public Pre-K, they can do so without losing eligibility for other supports.</li></ul><h3>Supporting the Early Childhood Workforce</h3>Universal access cannot exist without a respected, stable workforce.<ul><li>Pay parity and benefits. Establishes a federal floor and matching funds to ensure early childhood educators are paid on par with K–12 teachers when they have similar credentials and responsibilities, with access to health care, retirement benefits, and paid leave.</li><li>Training and credential pathways. Funds scholarships, apprenticeships, and “grow-your-own” programs so current caregivers can earn credentials without going into debt, and new educators can enter the field through multiple accessible routes.</li><li>Workforce stabilization grants. Provides immediate funding to raise wages and improve working conditions during the transition period so programs can retain staff and avoid closures.</li></ul><h3>Quality and Accountability</h3><ul><li>National quality standards, local flexibility. Sets clear federal benchmarks for group sizes, staff-to-child ratios, staff qualifications, safety, and curriculum frameworks, while allowing states and local providers flexibility in how they meet them.</li><li>Screenings and supports. Ensures early identification and support for children with developmental delays or disabilities, including partnerships with early intervention services and special education.</li><li>Family engagement. Requires programs to build real partnerships with parents—offering regular communication, family conferences, culturally and linguistically appropriate materials, and connections to health and social services.</li><li>Data transparency. States report on access, quality, workforce conditions, use of the Family Caregiver Allowance, and child outcomes (in age-appropriate, non-high-stakes ways) so families and policymakers can see where progress is being made and where gaps remain.</li></ul><h3>Funding and Federal–State Partnership</h3><ul><li>Federal guarantee with state partnership. The federal government sets the guarantee and provides substantial, stable funding. States administer programs, set specific implementation plans, and contribute their share through maintenance-of-effort and matching funds.</li><li>Prioritizing communities with the greatest need. Early funding focuses on childcare deserts, low-income neighborhoods, rural communities, tribal communities, and places where women have been pushed out of the workforce because of lack of care.</li><li>Simplified access for families. Families apply through a single, streamlined portal and can see all eligible programs in their area—public, private, nonprofit, home-based, and the option to enroll as a family caregiver—to minimize paperwork and confusion.</li></ul><h3>Why This Matters</h3>Universal daycare and Pre-K is not just a “family policy” or a “women’s issue”—it is economic policy, education policy, and equality policy all at once:<ul><li>It helps parents, especially mothers, stay in the workforce and pursue their careers if they choose.</li><li>It closes opportunity gaps before kindergarten, instead of trying to fix them years later.</li><li>It treats the people who care for and teach our youngest children—whether in centers, schools, or their own homes—as the skilled professionals they are.</li><li>It ensures that where a child is born, or whether their parent stays home or works, does not determine whether they have a safe place to learn, play, and grow.</li></ul>A Universal Early Learning and Care Guarantee, including a Family Caregiver Early Learning Allowance, makes one crucial promise: in the United States, raising young children is not something families are left to struggle with alone—it’s a shared commitment we make to one another, and to the next generation.

I support a Universal Early Learning and Care Guarantee so every family in every community has access to affordable, high-quality daycare and universal Pre-K from birth to kindergarten, with early educators paid like the professionals they are. Public funding would follow the child—whether to a licensed center, school-based program, home-based provider, or a parent or grandparent at home through a

Universal Early Learning and Care Guarantee

<h3>What is Happening?</h3><ul><li>Cubic is both a contractor for New York’s MTA, collecting fare for subways and buses in NYC and also a Defense contractor receiving hundreds of millions from the Trump administration covering Digital Intelligence, Air &amp; Ground Combat Training, Secure Communications, and Edge Computing.</li><li>Every time you tap your phone, credit card or OMNY card you are interacting with and subsidizing this Trump Defense contractor.</li><li>Cubic also provides AI (Artificial Intelligence) chat engagement services for millions of dollars from the MTA. When you are interacting with the MTA chat system, you are providing your data to an AI system managed by a Trump Defense contractor.</li><li>Cubic is also up for a new contract to replace the turnstiles at the subways with new gates, which will be a new contract worth hundreds of millions of dollars.</li><li>The MTA nor New York State have the ability or resources to prevent a company like Cubic from using the massive amounts of data they are collecting from all of us riding the subway and bus for purposes that could be illegal and violate New Yorkers civil rights.</li><li>Contractually, Cubic has privacy requirements they must adhere to, but it would be almost impossible for a defense contractor to resist the pressure from the Trump administration to share whatever data they are seeking, especially with billions in future contracts on the line.</li></ul><h3>What Can We Do?</h3><ul><li>Demand the MTA, New York City and New York State cease all future contracts with Cubic unless the company breaks up its Fare Collection and Defense division into two separate companies with no mutual owners, beneficiaries or shared resources. Come to the MTA Board meetings!</li><li>If the Private Equity Cubic owners will not break up the transit and defense parts of the business, we are demanding New York immediately instruct the MTA to find alternative vendors for continued operation of fare collection services for our subways and buses, the AI chatbot contract with Cubic be canceled and that they are not awarded future contracts for the replacement of the turnstiles with new gates worth hundreds of millions of dollars. Go to Albany or to your local State Assembly Member or Senator’s offices!</li><li>New York City and New York State MUST enact laws and issue executive orders barring the award of any taxpayer-funded contracts to contractors or vendors that provide material support to the Trump administration’s Department of War, Department of Homeland Security, and/or ICE. Public dollars must not subsidize unlawful, abusive, or unaccountable federal actions—if a company chooses to profit from that agenda, it should not also profit from New Yorkers.</li></ul><h3 style="text-align: center;">Why Does This Matter?</h3><h5 style="text-align: center;">Our civil rights, privacy and security are the most important thing we have as New Yorkers and we cannot allow a Trump Defense contractor to have even the potential to operate as a spy on our movements in and out of the transit system.</h5>

Most New Yorkers do not know that we are actively subsidizing Trump Defense Contractor with our OMNY cards and the operational budget of the MTA subway and bus system. This needs to end!

Stop Funding Trump Defense &amp; ICE Contractors

My partner is a first generation immigrant from Peru, and the immigration issues he has exposed me to have had a profound impact on the issue immigration rights for people who are LGBTQA+. If someone is fleeing persecution because of their sexual orientation, gender identity/expression, or sex characteristics (LGBTQIA+), the United States should offer a reliable path to safety. No one should be sent back to a country where their life or freedom is threatened because of who they are.<h3>Why this matters</h3>Across the world, LGBTQIA+ people face state-sanctioned oppression and violence: criminalization, arbitrary detention, police abuse, “conversion” practices, forced marriage, and targeted mob or family violence where authorities refuse to protect them. When survival is at stake, America should stand for human rights and dignity.<h3>The law we have—and the gaps</h3>U.S. law already protects refugees and asylum seekers facing persecution based on race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a “particular social group.” Courts and immigration authorities have long recognized LGBTQIA+ people as a valid “particular social group” for asylum claims, but access is inconsistent and often depends on luck—who interviews you, where your case is heard, and whether you can find a lawyer.<h3>What I will fight for in Congress</h3>1) Codify explicit protections for LGBTQIA+ persecution claims. Clarify in federal law that persecution based on sexual orientation, gender identity/expression, or sex characteristics qualifies for protection—so outcomes don’t vary wildly by jurisdiction. (This builds on established “particular social group” recognition.)2) Create a high-risk, fast-track pathway with full security vetting. Prioritize LGBTQIA+ people facing urgent danger through refugee processing and targeted humanitarian parole—especially when someone cannot safely access a processing location. UNHCR guidance provides a framework for protecting SOGI-based refugees.3) Fix the one-year asylum filing deadline for vulnerable applicants. The one-year deadline can punish trauma survivors and people who fear being outed; while exceptions exist, they are applied unevenly. Congress should reform the deadline so it does not block credible claims where delay is tied to trauma, instability, or safety concerns.4) Make the process safer, more humane, and more consistent.<ul><li>Trauma-informed training for asylum officers and immigration judges on LGBTQIA+ claims</li><li>Strong confidentiality safeguards to prevent outing</li><li>Alternatives to detention for vulnerable LGBTQIA+ applicants when appropriate</li><li>Expanded access to counsel, especially for detained people</li></ul>5) Use evidence standards that reflect reality. Many applicants cannot safely obtain documents from oppressive regimes. Adjudications should rely on credible testimony plus country-conditions evidence—without stereotypes about how LGBTQIA+ people “should” look or live.<h3>Integrity and security</h3>This is pro-human rights and pro-rule-of-law: all applicants must undergo identity and security checks, and existing legal bars for serious crimes remain. The goal is a system that is fair, consistent, and worthy of America’s values. America should be a refuge for LGBTQIA+ people fleeing oppression. I will fight for laws and procedures that protect lives, uphold human rights, and ensure no one is returned to persecution because of who they are.

I have been openly gay since I was a teenager. I have had the challenging experience of coming from a family where my identity has not always been accepted. While I am proud of progress we have made within the community over my lifetime, we see an administration that is willing to use our community as tools to manipulate and divide voters. I will always be a voice for everyone in our community.

Electing Someone From the LGBTQIA+ Community

<ul><li>A 10-year federal-state-local completion plan to deliver all remaining phases of the Second Avenue Subway.</li><li>Build it as a network, not a fragment:<ul><li>Finish Uptown through Harlem (including the 125th Street corridor).</li><li>Create a true crosstown connection on 125th Street to link the East Side to the West Side.</li><li>Extend into the South Bronx so transit expansion benefits Harlem and the Bronx—not just Manhattan.</li></ul></li></ul><h3>Why this matters</h3><ul><li>The Second Avenue Subway is one of the most important “capacity relief + reliability” projects in the country.</li><li>Completing it:<ul><li>reduces crowding and cascading delays on the Lexington Avenue Line</li><li>unlocks access to jobs, schools, hospitals, and small businesses in East Harlem and the Bronx</li><li>makes the entire system more resilient by creating alternative routing options</li><li>delivers a long-overdue promise New Yorkers have waited generations to see finished</li></ul></li></ul><h2>Federal funding plan</h2><ol><li>Prioritize FTA capital funds (New Starts / Core Capacity–type pathways) specifically for completion—structured as a multi-phase program with guaranteed continuity, not one-off grants that reset every few years.</li><li>Leverage federal credit + low-cost financing (e.g., large-scale project finance tools) to smooth cashflow and lock a 10-year build schedule.</li><li>Pair with local value capture where appropriate (station-area value uplift, targeted assessments, or negotiated contributions) without making riders pay for it through endless fare hikes.</li><li>Tie dollars to performance: federal money increases when milestones are hit; corrective action triggers when they’re missed.</li></ol><h3>Structure: Special Master / Independent Delivery Czar</h3><ul><li>A court-supervised Special Master (or “Delivery Czar”) appointed under a binding agreement/consent framework among USDOT/FTA, the State, MTA/NYCT, and relevant city/state entities.</li><li>Clear authority to:<ul><li>enforce an integrated schedule across contracts and agencies</li><li>require standardized project delivery methods (design-build, progressive design-build, alliance contracting where appropriate)</li><li>approve a single critical path plan and compel coordination (utilities, permits, street restoration, procurement)</li><li>publish monthly public dashboards and hold leadership accountable</li></ul></li></ul><h3>Guardrails (so it doesn’t become another bureaucracy)</h3><ul><li>Narrow mission: “Deliver phases X–Y by date Z.”</li><li>Hard sunset: authority ends when substantial completion is achieved.</li><li>Transparency: contracts, change orders, and unit costs published in a usable format.</li><li>Independent audit + IG oversight: routine cost/compliance audits and anti-corruption safeguards.</li><li>Community and accessibility requirements: enforce ADA, station access, safety, and mitigation commitments.</li></ul><h2>What New York needs to build</h2><h3>1) Complete the Second Avenue Subway Uptown (Harlem / 125th corridor)</h3><ul><li>Deliver the remaining segments so East Harlem is fully served.</li><li>Treat 125th Street as the system connector that Harlem has always needed.</li></ul><h3>2) 125th Street Crosstown Connection</h3><ul><li>A true east–west rapid transit link across 125th that:<ul><li>connects major hubs and job centers</li><li>creates redundancy when other lines fail</li><li>makes Harlem mobility faster without forcing multiple transfers</li></ul></li></ul><h3>3) Extend into the South Bronx</h3><ul><li>A planned extension that brings new, high-capacity service to Bronx communities that have waited too long for equitable investment.</li><li>Frame it as: “Harlem isn’t the end of the line—this becomes a Harlem–Bronx mobility spine.”</li></ul>

The first phase of the 2nd Ave subway was delivered decades later than expected at a cost of $4.5 BILLION for just 1.8 miles of new subway service within 3 new stations. At this cost and timeline, we will never complete the remainder without a new approach.

Complete The 2nd Ave Subway in a Decade

Growing up in Des Moines and later in Northern Arizona, Judaism was something I carried—quietly, sincerely—but not always something I felt held by. I knew the rhythms of small Jewish communities, and I met families whose histories echoed parts of my own. Still, I often felt adjacent to the community rather than fully part of it.That changed because of people—mentors in Chicago who opened doors, and a trip to Israel more than twenty years ago that didn’t just educate me, but connected me. It made Jewish peoplehood and Jewish faith feel immediate, demanding, and alive.Since then, my Judaism has been anchored in תִּיקּוּן עוֹלָם (tikkun olam)—repairing the world. I’ve tried to live that obligation in practical ways, including volunteering with Jewish organizations like UJA to help implement software that supports food distribution across New York City. And it’s those experiences—serving alongside others, seeing need up close, building tools that help— that have helped shape what I fight for: lasting peace in the Middle East, environmental justice, immigrant rights, and serious investment in underserved communities. That tradition teaches that safety, dignity, and belonging are not privileges for a few, but rights for everyone. Fighting antisemitism is therefore both deeply personal and profoundly American: we must protect Jewish communities, confront hatred wherever it appears, and strengthen the democratic values that make pluralism possible.<h3>Goals</h3><ul><li>Prevent antisemitism through education and early intervention</li><li>Protect people and institutions from threats and violence</li><li>Enforce civil rights with clear standards and accountability</li><li>Lead globally against antisemitism as a human-rights and security issue</li><li>Defend free speech while stopping discrimination, harassment, and violence</li></ul><h2>Domestic Actions + Global Leadership</h2><h3>1) No Taxpayer Dollars for Antisemitic Discrimination or Incitement</h3><ul><li>Prohibit federal grants/contracts/assistance to domestic or foreign entities that:<ul><li>Discriminate against Jews in services, employment, admissions, or programming; or</li><li>Promote, facilitate, or materially support antisemitic violence or targeted harassment.</li></ul></li><li>Require clear evidence standards, notice, and an appeals process to prevent politicized enforcement.</li><li>Focus on conduct and discrimination, not protected speech.</li></ul><h3>2) Education That Inoculates Against Hate and Conspiracies</h3><ul><li>Tie federal education funding to age-appropriate instruction on:<ul><li>History of antisemitism (global + U.S.), Jewish history/culture, the Holocaust, modern antisemitism, and media literacy.</li></ul></li><li>Fund teacher training and model curriculum tools with credible partners.</li><li>Encourage adoption across private schools through funding-linked standards and incentives.</li></ul><h3>3) Strong Civil-Rights Enforcement in Education (Title VI Clarity)</h3><ul><li>Codify Title VI applicability to antisemitic discrimination (where based on shared ancestry/ethnic characteristics).</li><li>Require minimum institutional standards:<ul><li>Timely investigations, interim protections, written findings, transparent reporting channels.</li></ul></li><li>Use a compliance “ramp”: corrective action first, escalating penalties for repeated or willful failures.</li><li>Maintain a bright line: harassment/exclusion vs. protected expression.</li></ul><h3>4) Protect Jewish Institutions: Expand Security Grants</h3><ul><li>Expand and sustain FEMA’s Nonprofit Security Grant Program and simplify access for smaller congregations and community orgs.</li><li>Prioritize high-impact measures: access control, cameras, barriers, cyber/communications hardening, and safety training.</li><li>Improve coordination with local law enforcement without over-policing community life.</li></ul><h3>5) Better Data, Better Response, Better Support for Victims</h3><ul><li>Improve uniform reporting and fund implementation of national hate-crime reporting improvements.</li><li>Strengthen federal support for state/local reporting systems, hotlines, and victim navigation services.</li><li>Incentivize complete, accurate reporting and publish regular public dashboards on trends and outcomes.</li></ul><h3>6) Training Across Federal Law Enforcement, Military, and Veteran-Facing Systems</h3><ul><li>Expand mandatory, evidence-based antisemitism training for:<ul><li>Federal law enforcement, relevant DOJ-funded task forces, military leadership pipelines, and veteran-facing systems.</li></ul></li><li>Standardize protocols to identify threats, respond to incidents, and prevent insider radicalization.</li></ul><h2>International Leadership</h2><ul><li>Strengthen State Department monitoring and coordination to counter antisemitism globally.</li><li>Integrate antisemitism prevention into diplomacy, security cooperation, and rule-of-law assistance.</li><li>Use targeted tools—visa restrictions, sanctions, and conditionality—against actors tied to antisemitic violence or state-tolerated incitement.</li></ul><h2>What Success Looks Like</h2><ul><li>More institutions secured; faster security grants; fewer attacks and threats.</li><li>Higher-quality hate incident reporting; fewer “zero-reporting” jurisdictions.</li><li>Clearer school compliance processes; faster, fairer resolution of discrimination complaints.</li><li>Measurable training completion across federal agencies and improved response outcomes.</li></ul>

My path to Judaism is uniquely American. I grew up predominantly Christian with a constant reminder by my mother of my Jewish heritage, all while being exposed to various religions and faiths. It was as an adult with my travels to Israel over two decades ago that deepened my Jewish faith and forever connected me with the Jewish community.

My Jewish Story &amp; Fighting Antisemitism

I unequivocally support a woman’s right to choose, and I back federal legislation—such as the Women’s Health Protection Act—to restore a national standard similar to Roe and Casey: protecting access to abortion up to the point of viability, and after viability whenever a woman’s life or health is at risk. I also support expanding access to contraception, medication abortion, and comprehensive reproductive health services, including for those who must travel across state lines, and ensuring that no one is criminalized or discriminated against for seeking or providing care.At the same time, I believe it is critical to reclaim the idea of being “pro-life” from those who focus solely on restricting abortion. Supporting life means supporting families—ensuring that every parent has the resources, healthcare, and economic stability necessary to bring a child into the world safely and to provide them with a real chance to thrive. Policies like universal Medicare, accessible childcare, paid leave, and robust prenatal and postnatal care reflect the true meaning of supporting life: reducing fear, hardship, and financial insecurity for parents and children alike.Democrats should not cede the moral high ground on this issue. We are the ones fighting to make sure every pregnancy is safe, every birth is supported, and every child has the greatest possible opportunity for success. Supporting reproductive freedom and supporting families are not opposing goals—they are part of the same commitment to dignity, health, and opportunity for every person in this country.

I unequivocally support a&nbsp;woman’s right to choose, and support federal legislation (like the Women’s Health Protection Act) to restore something close to the Roe standard nationwide—allowing abortion up to viability, and after viability when the mother’s life or health is at risk. Additionally, I will fight for expansion of access to contraception, medication abortion, and reproductive health.

Reproductive Rights Means Freedom for Everyone

I believe New York’s transit system should be the envy of the world, not a daily struggle, so my transit agenda starts with improving the subway system reliability, increasing train frequency so riders are never waiting long, and attacking delays at their root with modernized signals, better maintenance, and real-time data. I will push to electrify our ferry services so New Yorkers can move around the city on clean, quiet vessels that cut emissions instead of adding to them. And because the future of mobility is electric, I will fight to expand access to electric vehicles—especially shared EVs—by investing in charging infrastructure, supporting carshare and fleet programs, and making it easier and cheaper for working families to choose clean transportation.

I believe New York City and the entire United States needs a better transit agenda. I am running as the transit candidate. I have worked in the transit and mobility industry for most of my career, and I am seeking policies that prepare America's transportation system for our rapidly evolving future.

Write a short blurb about an issue your campaign is highlighting. Try to keep the text a similar size between the various issue blurbs.

Better, Expanded Transit

<h3>Overview</h3>High-cost cities like New York face a structural housing shortage driven by decades of constrained supply, underinvestment in social and cooperative housing, speculative ownership, and large numbers of long-vacant units. Traditional tools such as rent freezes do little to address the underlying scarcity or bring rents down.This memo outlines a federal housing agenda built around three pillars:<ol><li>Support cooperative and limited-equity housing, including modernized Mitchell-Lama–style programs.</li><li>Limit harmful speculative private equity ownership of family-scale housing.</li><li>Bring long-vacant units back into use by cutting red tape and aligning incentives, especially in high-cost markets.</li></ol>The goal is to make housing more abundant, more affordable, and more democratically controlled, while helping rents stabilize and ultimately decline over time.<h3>Problem</h3><ul><li>Chronic under-supply: Zoning, regulatory barriers, and political resistance have constrained new housing supply and rehabilitation, especially in Democratic-led high-cost cities.</li><li>Weak support for resident-controlled housing: Cooperative and limited-equity models like Mitchell-Lama have demonstrated success, but federal tools do not adequately support their preservation or expansion.</li><li>Institutional speculation: Private equity and large investment vehicles increasingly own housing originally intended for individuals and families, contributing to price pressures and reduced local control.</li><li>Long-term vacancy: Tens of thousands of units in cities like New York remain vacant for a year or more due to regulatory and financial barriers to rehabilitation, even as homelessness and rent burdens rise.</li></ul><h3>Solution 1: Cooperative &amp; Limited-Equity Housing</h3>Objective: Expand resident-controlled, long-term affordable housing through federal support for cooperative conversions and modernized Mitchell-Lama–style programs.Key Components<ol><li>Cooperative Conversion Facilitation Program (CCFP)<ul><li>Provide low-interest federal loans, guarantees, or credit enhancements (via HUD or a dedicated facility) for:<ul><li>Tenant-led buyouts of rental buildings;</li><li>Nonprofit/municipal acquisition with a cooperative conversion plan.</li></ul></li><li>Encourage mixed-tenure structures where:<ul><li>Most units become limited-equity co-op units;</li><li>A share is held by a city or nonprofit sponsor as permanently affordable rentals.</li></ul></li><li>Fund technical assistance for tenant organizing, legal support, and co-op governance training.</li><li>Tie certain federal tax or financing benefits to a right of first offer/refusal for tenants, nonprofits, or public entities when buildings are sold.</li></ul></li><li>Modernizing Mitchell-Lama–Style Programs<ul><li>Create a Mitchell-Lama Preservation Fund to help existing developments refinance, address capital needs, and remain in affordability regimes.</li><li>Support new limited-equity and moderate-income developments through federal-state-local partnerships with long-term affordability covenants.</li><li>Adapt LIHTC and other tax incentives to work better for co-ops and limited-equity models, not just traditional rental structures.</li></ul></li></ol><h3>Solution 2: Limiting Private Equity Ownership in Family-Scale Housing</h3>Objective: Curb speculative institutional ownership in housing types historically intended for individuals and families, and redirect these properties toward local and community ownership.Key Components<ol><li>Family-Scale Residential Property is defined as<ul><li>1–4 unit buildings and certain small multifamily properties historically owner-occupied or family-owned.</li></ul></li><li>Ownership Limits for Covered Entities<ul><li>Restrict or phase out ownership of family-scale properties by:<ul><li>Private equity funds;</li><li>Large REITs above defined asset thresholds;</li><li>Similar investment vehicles.</li></ul></li></ul></li><li>Enhanced Taxation and Transparency<ul><li>Apply higher transaction or holding taxes to covered entities retaining large portfolios of family-scale housing beyond a transition period.</li><li>Require robust beneficial ownership and concentration reporting.</li></ul></li><li>Divestment Pathways<ul><li>Incentivize sales of properties via Federal tax policy and housing subsidies to:<ul><li>Individual owner-occupants;</li><li>Limited-equity co-ops;</li><li>Community land trusts;</li><li>Nonprofit housing organizations.</li></ul></li></ul></li></ol><h3>Solution 3: Vacant Unit Recovery &amp; Reducing Homelessness</h3>Objective: Return long-vacant units to active use, cut red tape that keeps habitable units offline, and connect these units to homelessness reduction strategies.Key Components<ol><li>Federal Vacant Unit Recovery Standard<ul><li>Define “long-vacant” units as those empty for 12+ consecutive months and located in high-cost/high-need areas.</li><li>Establish a conditional federal standard that jurisdictions may not enforce rules that effectively prevent owners from renting long-vacant, code-compliant units.</li><li>Tie compliance to eligibility for certain HUD and community development funds (e.g., CDBG, select housing grants).</li></ul></li><li>Rehabilitation Incentives<ul><li>Offer federal grants or low-interest loans to small landlords, co-ops, nonprofits, and public entities to bring long-vacant units up to code, in exchange for:<ul><li>Commitments to rent at reasonable/regulated levels; and/or</li><li>Set-asides for low-income tenants or people exiting homelessness.</li></ul></li></ul></li><li>Market Re-Entry for Some Units<ul><li>Allow certain long-vacant units to re-enter the market at negotiated or market-rate rents where prior regulation has made rehab economically impossible, with conditions:<ul><li>Proof of significant vacancy duration;</li><li>Compliance with habitability and tenant protection standards.</li></ul></li></ul></li><li>Integration with Homelessness Programs<ul><li>Require jurisdictions receiving federal homelessness funds to:<ul><li>Identify and track long-vacant units;</li><li>Incorporate them into housing-first and rapid rehousing strategies;</li><li>Use vouchers, master leasing, or service-linked contracts to house unhoused individuals and families.</li></ul></li></ul></li></ol><h3>Implementation &amp; Funding</h3><ul><li>Federal tools: Use HUD programs, GSEs, Treasury (including LIHTC reforms, CDFIs), and conditions on federal grants to drive adoption.</li><li>Tax policy: Adjust tax incentives and penalties to favor cooperative and limited-equity models and disfavor speculative ownership in family-scale housing.</li><li>Funding:<ul><li>Redirect and expand existing HUD and community development funds;</li><li>Create targeted new appropriations for cooperative conversions, Mitchell-Lama–style developments, and vacant-unit rehab;</li><li>Use enhanced taxation of speculative holdings to help offset costs.</li></ul></li></ul><h3>Metrics &amp; Evaluation</h3>Core metrics to track:<ul><li>Number of units converted to cooperative or limited-equity ownership.</li><li>Number of Mitchell-Lama–style units preserved and created.</li><li>Reduction in share of family-scale housing owned by large financial entities.</li><li>Number and percentage of long-vacant units brought back into active use.</li><li>Trends in median rent and rent-burden rates in high-cost jurisdictions.</li><li>Homelessness and housing placement outcomes linked to reclaimed units.</li></ul><h3>Summary</h3><ul><li>Move beyond symbolic rent freezes toward structural reforms that increase supply and bring rents down.</li><li>Treat housing as a home first, financial asset second, by curbing speculative private equity ownership in family-scale housing.</li><li>Empower residents through co-ops, limited-equity models, and modernized Mitchell-Lama-style programs.</li><li>Cut red tape and unlock vacant units so they can house people instead of sitting empty and deteriorating.</li><li>Use federal policy to align incentives toward abundant, stable, community-rooted housing, especially in high-cost cities like New York.</li></ul>

My housing agenda takes on the root causes of New York’s affordability crisis by breaking the grip of speculators, empowering residents to own their buildings through co-ops and modern Mitchell-Lama–style programs, and forcing long-vacant apartments back into use. By using federal power to finance cooperative conversions, rein in private equity’s control over family homes, and cut local red tape.

Lower Housing Costs, Don't Just Freeze Them

AN AI FUTURE THAT WORKS FOR PEOPLE A plan to protect workers and build the careers of tomorrow<h3>Why I’m Sounding the Alarm</h3>My background is in technology. I hold software and hardware patents, and I spent a decade working with Apple as an engineer and consultant. I’ve founded tech companies in transit technology, parking AI, and electric-vehicle management.I love building new tools—but I’m alarmed by how fast AI and automation are coming for people’s jobs.Right now, we have a Congress and a President who are not prepared for how this will hit ordinary people. Over the next decade, many people in their 30s and 40s risk being automated out of the jobs that currently support their families. Too many New Yorkers already work just to survive in one of the most expensive cities in the world—AI could take even that away.We need a plan.<h3>The Big Idea</h3>If technology is going to take work away from people, then government must guarantee a path toward better work.My plan, the AI &amp; Automation Transition and Opportunity Act, is built on a simple promise:No worker should be left behind by AI and automation. If your job is taken, your government owes you a path to a new career with dignity and good pay.<h3>1. Early Warning on AI Job Losses</h3><ul><li>Create a National AI &amp; Automation Impact Observatory to track which jobs and industries are being automated.</li><li>When a sector or city (like New York) hits a risk threshold, it automatically:<ul><li>Unlocks extra training funds,</li><li>Triggers worker outreach, and</li><li>Requires big employers to file real AI impact plans instead of just PR.</li></ul></li></ul><h3>2. A Federal “Right to Retraining”</h3>If you lose your job because of AI or automation, you get:<ul><li>Guaranteed, fully funded retraining in a high-demand field:<ul><li>Healthcare, clean energy, EV infrastructure, transit operations, coding, cybersecurity, and more.</li></ul></li><li>A living stipend while you train, so you can pay rent and buy groceries—not just take an online course at midnight after a second job.</li><li>Programs run through community colleges, public universities, unions, and vetted nonprofits, ending in real credentials, not fake certificates.</li></ul><h3>3. Wage Insurance &amp; Real Job Placement</h3>Retraining isn’t enough. People have bills.<ul><li>Wage insurance for workers in their 30s, 40s, and 50s who move from higher-paying automated jobs into new fields, so they don’t fall off a financial cliff.</li><li>A national AI Transition Job Platform that matches retrained workers to real jobs in sectors we know we must build anyway:<ul><li>Climate resilience, EV and transit infrastructure, public tech, education, and care work.</li></ul></li></ul><h3>4. A “Future of Work Corps”</h3>Treat this like a New Deal-scale project:<ul><li>A Future of Work Corps that hires and trains people for:<ul><li>EV charging networks and grid upgrades,</li><li>Modern transit systems and fare tech,</li><li>Green building retrofits and climate resilience,</li><li>Digital public infrastructure and cybersecurity,</li><li>Community health, childcare, and elder care enhanced—not replaced—by AI tools.</li></ul></li><li>Priority for workers displaced by AI and for residents of high-cost cities like New York.</li></ul><h3>5. Make Big Winners Help Pay</h3>The companies and sectors making billions from AI should help fund the transition:<ul><li>An AI automation impact fee on very large firms that sharply increase profits while cutting jobs due to automation.</li><li>Targeted transition funds for retraining, stipends, and wage insurance—not more blank-check corporate subsidies.</li></ul><h3>What This Means for New Yorkers</h3><ul><li>If AI or automation takes your job, you won’t just get a pink slip and a “good luck.”</li><li>You’ll have a legal right to retraining, income support while you learn, and help finding a real job in the new economy.</li><li>We will build the careers of the future on purpose—instead of letting Wall Street and Silicon Valley decide who gets left behind.</li></ul><h3>My Commitment</h3>I’ve spent my life building technology. I know how powerful AI is—and how dangerous it is to ignore its impact on working people.In Congress, I will fight for:<ul><li>Serious, well-funded training and transition programs for anyone displaced by AI and automation.</li><li>Good wages and meaningful work, not a future where people are discarded as “obsolete.”</li><li>A federal government that finally takes responsibility for the world technology is creating.</li></ul>We can have innovation and dignity. But only if we choose it.

We need a plan for how we are going to prepare our workforce for the oncoming onslought of AI changes that are changing the nature of work and the skillsets required for new entrants. We are also about experience Autonomous Vehicles and Robots to replace physical labor work. I have developed a strategy for how we deal with these technological changes.

Workforce Support for AI &amp; Autonomous Tech

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<h3>The Senior Pathways Act: Two Equal Options for 12th Grade</h3>Our education system treats 12th grade as an afterthought and the trades as a backup plan. At the same time, first-year college students pay full tuition for general education classes that often repeat high school content, while students headed into the trades get fragmented, underfunded vocational offerings. We can do better—for every student.I support creating a Senior Pathways model that offers every high school senior a clear, supported choice between two equally respected options:<ol><li>The Senior Year University Pathway (SYUP) – a college-level general education program built into 12th grade; and</li><li>The Senior Trades Readiness Pathway (STRP) – a pre-apprenticeship trades program equivalent to a first year of trade school.</li></ol>Both pathways would adapt to labor and skills market demands, be well-resourced, and designed to open doors—not close them.<h3>Shared Principles</h3>Both Senior Pathways would be built around the same core commitments:<ul><li>Real value, not busywork. 12th grade must lead to college credit, recognized credentials, or documented apprenticeship hours—not just seat time.</li><li>Free at the point of use. Families should not pay extra tuition or fees for coursework that substitutes for a first year of college or trade school.</li><li>Guaranteed recognition. Whether a student chooses college or trades, what they accomplish in 12th grade must be honored by colleges, unions, employers, and apprenticeship programs.</li><li>Equity and access. Pathways must be available in every community, with extra funding and support in under-resourced schools.</li><li>Student choice, not tracking. No student is locked in. Strong counseling and the ability to switch or blend pathways are essential with the possibility of an extended Senior Year if someone decides they would like to have the option of both Pathways.</li></ul><h3>Pathway 1: Senior Year University Pathway</h3>For students planning to attend college, the Senior Year University Pathway (SYUP) would turn 12th grade into the equivalent of a freshman-year general education program.Under the Senior Year University Pathway:<ul><li>12th grade becomes first-year college gen ed. Seniors take a coordinated set of college-level courses in writing and communication, quantitative reasoning, social and natural sciences, and civic literacy, aligned to state standards and first-year university expectations.</li><li>Credits must transfer. Public colleges and universities in the state would be required to recognize these credits toward their general education requirements, and private institutions would be required to do the same as a condition of receiving certain federal and state funds.</li><li>High schools and colleges partner deeply. Courses are co-designed and co-taught with community colleges and universities. High school teachers can be credentialed as dual-enrollment instructors; colleges can provide faculty, online instruction, and shared syllabi.</li><li>Students save time and money. A student who completes the Senior Year University Pathway graduates high school with a year of college credit, meaning less tuition, less debt, and a quicker path to a degree.</li></ul><h3>Pathway 2: Senior Trades Readiness Pathway (STRP)</h3>For students who want to go directly into the workforce through high-wage, high-skill trades, the Senior Trades Readiness Pathway would make 12th grade a true pre-apprenticeship year.Under STRP:<ul><li>12th grade becomes a pre-apprenticeship. Seniors enroll in a structured, year-long program in areas like electrical, robotics, plumbing, carpentry, HVAC, automotive, welding, IT/networking, advanced manufacturing, or building maintenance.</li><li>Programs are co-designed with unions and employers. Unions, registered apprenticeship programs, trade schools, and community colleges help set standards, provide instructors, and guarantee that coursework and hours count toward real credentials and apprenticeships.</li><li>Students earn industry-recognized credentials. Graduates leave with certifications, foundational skills in their chosen trade, and documented training hours that can be applied to registered apprenticeships or technical degrees.</li><li>Hands-on training plus life skills. Shop and job-site experience are paired with financial literacy, workplace rights, communication, and entrepreneurship—because many tradespeople go on to run their own businesses or lead teams.</li><li>Paid work-based learning whenever possible. Youth apprenticeships, paid internships, and on-the-job training—especially on publicly funded projects—help students earn income while they learn.</li></ul><h3>Implementation: Making Senior Pathways Real</h3>To make the Senior Pathways model work nationwide, I support:<ul><li>Federal Senior Pathways Grants. Competitive and formula-based funding for states and districts to redesign 12th grade, build college and trade partnerships, modernize CTE labs and equipment, and train teachers.</li><li>National recognition frameworks.<ul><li>A General Education Transfer Framework so coursework in the Senior Year University Pathway is portable across public institutions and, whenever possible, across state lines.</li><li>A Pre-Apprenticeship Recognition Framework so STRP hours and credentials are recognized by unions and employers in multiple states.</li></ul></li><li>Data and accountability focused on outcomes. States must track and report: college credit transfer rates, college persistence and completion for students in the Senior Year University Pathway, apprenticeship placement and completion for STRP students, and wage and employment outcomes.</li><li>Strong protections for students. Clear rules ensure work-based learning is safe, supervised, and fairly compensated; guardrails prevent students from being steered into a pathway based on race, income, disability, or language status instead of their interests and goals.</li></ul><h3>Student Choice and Counseling</h3>A core feature of this policy is informed student choice:<ul><li>Every junior would receive robust college and career counseling, exposure to both pathways, and information about the long-term implications of each option.</li><li>Students could blend or switch between pathways—for example, taking college-level math and writing through the Senior Year University Pathway while also completing a trades pre-apprenticeship sequence.</li><li>Families and students make the final decision, not test scores or arbitrary tracking.</li></ul>By treating a future electrician with the same respect as a future engineer, and by making 12th grade count as a real on-ramp to both college and the trades, the Senior Pathways Act would align our schools with the real economy, reduce student debt, and give every young person a meaningful head start on the future they choose.

We need a wholesale new vision of what 12th Grade looks like for high school seniors. 12th Graders should be leaving school with one of two things: (1) the equivalent of a first year University General Education core courses or (2) a full year of trade school to allow a student to quickly enter the trades after high school.

Reimagining 12th Grade

<h3>The Goal</h3>No one in America should lose healthcare because they changed jobs, moved states, or couldn’t afford the premium that month.My plan is simple: 👉 Every American gets access to Medicare. 👉 We pay for it fairly by taxing both wages and capital gains to contribute with a tax on wealth for anyone who has a net worth of greater than $10M but who has not paid any income taxes or capital gains taxes. 👉 We phase it in over five years so families, businesses, and workers in the health insurance industry have a smooth transition.<h3>How We Get There</h3>1. Expand Medicare to Everyone, Step by StepInstead of flipping a switch overnight, we phase in Medicare by age groups over five years:<ul><li>Year 1: Cover children 0–4 and adults 57–64</li><li>Year 2: Expand to kids 0–9 and adults 52–64</li><li>Year 3: Expand to kids 0–17 and adults 47–64</li><li>Year 4: Cover everyone under 18 and adults 40–64</li><li>Year 5: All ages are covered by Medicare</li></ul>During this transition, employer plans, Medicaid, CHIP, and ACA marketplace plans stay in place for those not yet covered, so nobody falls through the cracks. By Year 5, Medicare becomes the universal baseline for healthcare in America.<h3>What Medicare for Every American Covers</h3>Every person would have access to a comprehensive Medicare benefit, including:<ul><li>Primary and preventive care</li><li>Hospital and emergency care</li><li>Prescription drugs</li><li>Mental and behavioral health</li><li>Maternity and pediatric care</li><li>Chronic disease management</li><li>Dental, Vision and Hearing care</li></ul>Out-of-pocket costs are capped and predictable, especially for low- and middle-income families, instead of today’s surprise bills and skyrocketing premiums.<h3>How We Pay for It — Fairly</h3>Right now, a nurse or bus driver pays Medicare taxes on every paycheck, but many of the wealthiest Americans pay lower effective rates because so much of their income comes from investments.My plan:<ul><li>Keeps the Medicare tax on wages for employers and employees</li><li>Adds the Medicare tax to capital gains and other investment income for high-wealth individuals</li><li>Protects working families and small businesses with thresholds and credits so the burden doesn’t fall on those who can least afford it</li></ul>If you work for a living, you shouldn’t be paying a higher share of your income for healthcare than a billionaire who lives off their stock portfolio.<h3>Protecting Jobs &amp; Keeping the System Stable</h3>Hundreds of thousands of Americans work in the health insurance industry—and they didn’t cause this broken system. We owe them stability and a future.My plan includes:<ul><li>Priority hiring into the expanded Medicare system and related roles</li><li>Paid retraining and education for new careers in healthcare, health tech, and administration</li><li>Wage and job transition supports so families aren’t left in crisis</li></ul>We can move to a simpler, fairer system without throwing workers away.<h3>What This Means for You</h3>Under my plan:<ul><li>You keep your doctor and hospital network, but your insurance card says “Medicare” instead of a private carrier.</li><li>Your coverage doesn’t vanish if you lose your job or switch employers.</li><li>Small businesses no longer have to navigate complex, expensive group health plans just to stay competitive.</li><li>Families get peace of mind knowing their children and aging parents are covered—no matter what.</li></ul><h3>My Commitment</h3>I will fight for a phased, realistic transition to Medicare for Every American that:<ul><li>Delivers true universal coverage</li><li>Lowers overall costs for working families and small businesses</li><li>Makes the wealthy pay their fair share</li><li>Protects workers whose jobs are tied to today’s insurance system</li></ul>Healthcare in America doesn’t have to be this chaotic or this cruel. We have the tools. We have the money. What we need is the political will.Let’s build a healthcare system that finally works for everyone.

So many people talk about getting us to a Single Payer plan. Medicare for All has been a campaign slogan for a decade now. I believe we need to move to a system where everyone has healthcare under Medicare, but there has to be a solid transition plan for how we get there because it will not happen overnight. I have laid out a plan for how we do this.

Universal Medicare and Viable Transition Plan

<img src="https://run.imgix.net/0ba9c9f0-ebea-4f03-863e-201e8e9169d7/170ddbba-2175-47ad-a4f2-d99ae5eb4a58/170ddbba-2175-47ad-a4f2-d99ae5eb4a58.avif?ixlib=js-3.8.0&amp;bri=0&amp;con=0&amp;sat=0&amp;high=0&amp;shad=0&amp;usm=0&amp;rect=0%2C0%2C3000%2C1010&amp;w=1500" alt="" caption="" align="left" alignwidth="47.5" variant="framed"><h2></h2><h3>The problem</h3>LaGuardia is a rebuilt, world-class airport—but it still lacks a direct subway connection. That forces millions of travelers and workers into traffic, raising costs, congestion, and emissions.<h3>The solution</h3>Build a direct N/W subway extension from Astoria–Ditmars Blvd to LaGuardia Airport, with two on-airport stops so riders can reach terminals quickly—without shuttles and without transfers.<h2>What we will build</h2>N/W Extension Alignment (Concept):<ul><li>Connect at: Astoria–Ditmars Blvd (existing N/W terminal)</li><li>New intermediate station: 49th Street (serves local Queens residents and airport-area workers)</li><li>Two LaGuardia stations (terminal-focused):<ul><li>LaGuardia – Terminal A Station</li><li>LaGuardia – Central Terminals Station (serving the main terminal complex)</li></ul></li></ul>Design priorities<ul><li>ADA-first access (elevators/escalators designed as core infrastructure)</li><li>Weather-protected paths from station to terminal</li><li>Luggage-friendly circulation and wide faregates</li><li>Built for reliability, safety, and peak airport demand</li></ul><h2>How we pay for it (without raising subway fares citywide)</h2>This project is financed with revenue bonds—paid back by airport users, not everyday riders.<h3>Dedicated revenue stream #1</h3>LaGuardia Ride Fee (Uber/Lyft/Taxi)<ul><li>A modest fee on trips starting or ending at LaGuardia</li><li>Helps manage curb congestion and creates a predictable bond repayment base</li><li>Worker protections: discounts/exemptions for verified airport workers, paratransit, and essential services (policy design)</li></ul><h3>Dedicated revenue stream #2</h3>OMNY Airport Station Access Fare<ul><li>Riders tap OMNY to exit at LaGuardia and pay an elevated airport access fare</li><li>Applies only at LaGuardia stations</li><li>Keeps the broader subway fare structure unchanged</li></ul>Bottom line: airport access helps pay for airport access.<h2>Federal + State delivery plan (build it on a clock)</h2>This project must be treated as a national infrastructure priority:<ul><li>Secure federal transit capital participation + state partnership</li><li>Use modern construction delivery (e.g., design-build / progressive design-build)</li><li>Create a single accountable delivery authority (“delivery czar” model) with:<ul><li>one master schedule</li><li>monthly public dashboards</li><li>strict cost control and change-order transparency</li><li>a clear end date and sunset when the project is complete</li></ul></li></ul><h2>What New Yorkers get</h2><ul><li>A one-seat subway ride to LaGuardia</li><li>Less traffic on the Grand Central Parkway and local approaches</li><li>Faster commutes for airport workers</li><li>Lower travel costs versus repeated car/taxi dependence</li><li>A stronger, more resilient transit network—built for a modern NYC</li></ul>If we can rebuild the airport, we can connect it. It’s time New York has a real rail link to LaGuardia—paid for responsibly, delivered transparently, and built to last.

It is time for our modernized LaGuardia Airport to have a connection to the subway system with direct access from both terminals. We can finally have a subway accessible airport in New York City, which would take thousands of vehicles off the road every day.

Expand the N/W subway to LaGuardia Airport

THE AMERICAN LIVING WAGE ACT A fair, automatic living wage in every county in America<h3>The Problem</h3>For decades, America has been stuck in the same fight: “Should the minimum wage be $15? $20?”Meanwhile, the federal minimum wage is still $7.25, and millions of people working full-time cannot afford rent, food, and basic necessities. Workers shouldn’t have to beg Congress every few years for a raise that still doesn’t keep up with the cost of living.I’m done arguing over random dollar amounts. We need a formula, not a guessing game.<h3>The Big Idea</h3>If you work full-time, you should not be poor.My standard is simple:Any single person who works 40 hours a week for 48 weeks a year should earn enough that a family of four in their county is not living in poverty.Instead of a one-size-fits-all number, we create a county-by-county living wage that updates every year based on real local costs.<h3>How It Works</h3>1. County Living Wage FormulaFor every county in the U.S., the federal government will calculate:County Living Wage = (Annual poverty threshold for a family of four in that county) ÷ (40 hours × 48 weeks)<ul><li>Uses real data on local costs: housing, food, transportation, healthcare, utilities, basic needs.</li><li>The result is a local minimum wage that actually matches the cost of living where people live and work.</li></ul>2. Automatic Annual Updates<ul><li>The living wage is recalculated every year.</li><li>No more wages frozen for 10+ years while rent doubles.</li><li>New rates are published publicly in advance so workers and businesses can plan.</li></ul>3. A Federal Floor for Every County<ul><li>The old $7.25 federal minimum wage is replaced with living wages that vary by county.</li><li>High-cost counties get higher minimums; lower-cost counties have lower ones—but everywhere, full-time work must lift a family of four out of poverty.</li></ul><h3>Protecting Small Businesses &amp; Local Jobs</h3>A real living wage must be fair to workers and workable for small businesses.My plan includes:<ul><li>A phase-in period (for example, reaching 100% of the new living wage over 3–5 years).</li><li>Targeted support for small businesses:<ul><li>Tax credits or wage subsidies during the transition,</li><li>Access to low-interest loans and grants to improve productivity and adapt.</li></ul></li><li>Faster compliance timelines for big, profitable corporations that can easily afford to pay a living wage now.</li></ul>We help small, local employers adjust—while making sure giant companies can’t keep paying poverty wages.<h3>Strong Enforcement &amp; Worker Protections</h3>The American Living Wage Act will:<ul><li>Apply to ALL hourly and salaried workers, with effective hourly pay required to meet the county living wage.</li><li>No more carveouts for tipped workers</li><li>Strengthen enforcement through the Department of Labor.</li><li>Protect workers who report violations with whistleblower safeguards.</li><li>Impose meaningful penalties on repeat violators.</li></ul>If an employer can’t build a business model that avoids trapping workers in poverty, the problem is the business model—not the workers.<h3>What This Means for You</h3>Under this plan:<ul><li>If you work full-time, your wage will rise to match the real cost of living in your county.</li><li>You won’t have to wait a decade and hope Congress finally passes another minimum wage bill.</li><li>Your wage will automatically adjust as the cost of living changes.</li><li>Families will be less dependent on emergency assistance just to pay basic bills.</li><li>Communities will have more stable, predictable incomes—and a stronger local economy.</li></ul><h3>My Commitment</h3>I’m angry that in the wealthiest country on Earth, millions of full-time workers still live in poverty. I believe:<ul><li>Work should always be a path out of poverty, not a trap inside it.</li><li>We need a living wage tied to reality, not politics.</li><li>We should end the minimum wage wars by passing a formula-based standard that protects every worker, in every county, every year.</li></ul>If you work full-time in America, you should not be poor. That’s the promise this law will finally keep.

It's time to modernize how we think about labor wages in the United States. A minimum wage decades ago was viewed as a key way for young people and new entrants to the labor market to get started and then grow from there. That is no longer the reality of our labor market. I have a plan for the future.

Living Wage Not a Minimum Wage

<h2>A Proposal for True Immigration Reform</h2><h3>1) Set clear annual (and 3-year) immigration targets by category</h3>Create a statutory “U.S. Immigration Levels Plan” published every year with a 3-year horizon (economic, family, humanitarian), similar to Canada’s approach. Canada publicly sets projected totals and category shares in its levels planning. Why it matters: Congress and the public can see the plan, agencies can staff to it, and employers/families get predictability.<h3>2) Build a single, points-based “Economic PR” system (the U.S. Express Entry equivalent)</h3>Create one federal economic stream that works like Canada’s Express Entry:<ul><li>Online candidate pool (people submit a profile)</li><li>A transparent points grid that ranks candidates (age, education, English ability, work experience, U.S. job offer, U.S. experience, etc.)</li><li>Regular invitation rounds where the government invites the highest-scoring candidates to apply for permanent residence </li></ul>U.S. design choices (key calls Congress would make):<ul><li>Points for U.S. labor needs: give extra points for higher wages, verified shortage occupations, critical skills, and U.S. work experience (similar to how points systems reward “human capital” and job-market fit).</li><li>Category-based draws: allow targeted invitation rounds (e.g., healthcare, STEM, trades) </li><li>Cap alignment: set an annual economic Permanent Resident number and run draws until it’s filled.</li></ul>For context, the U.S. already has statutory worldwide minimums like ~140,000 employment-based and 226,000 family-sponsored preference in visa bulletin calculations; a modern system would reorganize how economic slots are awarded rather than relying on long queues and fragmented pathways. <h3>3) Create a “State Nominee Program” (Canada’s PNP, but American)</h3>Give states (and potentially major metro regions) an allocation of nominations tied to labor shortages and population needs. If a state nominates a candidate, that candidate receives a large points boost in the federal pool.Why it matters: It lets Iowa, Michigan, and upstate New York compete for talent with different needs than NYC/SF—without creating a totally separate federal bureaucracy for each region.<h3>4) Modernize family immigration with clearer lanes and faster timelines</h3>Keep a dedicated family sponsorship track A Canada-like reform usually does two things:<ul><li>Defines who qualifies (spouses/partners, dependent kids, parents/grandparents with rules)</li><li>Pairs eligibility with processing standards (digital case management, predictable timelines)</li></ul>Congress could decide whether to preserve the U.S. concept of “immediate relatives” being uncapped, or move closer to Canada’s more explicitly planned family intake—but either way, the “modernization” is: simpler rules + faster adjudication + transparent targets.<h3>5) Make processing truly digital, measurable, and fast</h3>A Canada-like system also means end-to-end online intake and measurable service standards (Canada publishes processing-time tools and describes Express Entry timelines/steps such as invitations and application windows). (<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/services/application/check-processing-times.html?utm_source=chatgpt.com">Canada</a>)U.S. implementation moves:<ul><li>One federal portal for economic candidates (profile → invite → upload → decision)</li><li>API-like data sharing across DHS/State/Labor (identity, security checks, credentials)</li><li>Public dashboards: inventory, median processing times, and targets vs. actuals</li></ul><h3>6) Manage the transition (so you don’t strand people mid-line)</h3>A workable transition plan usually includes:<ul><li>Grandfathering existing applicants in current queues</li><li>Standing up the new pool for new applicants starting on a fixed date</li><li>A backlog reduction surge (staffing + overtime + process simplification) so the old system winds down rather than lingering for decades</li></ul>

Immigration is deeply personal to me. I’ve watched family, friends, and employees struggle against a system designed to make it hard to gain and keep legal status. Over the years, I’ve sponsored employees so they could stay, work, and contribute to our city and our country—many of whom have gone on to become citizens and start their own businesses.

Immigrants Deserve Our Respect and Support

I have always believed that the best way we can protect democracy as Democrats is to expand democracy. I support a Constitutionally guaranteed right to vote. Every American citizen should have that right clearly protected, and we should modify the 26th Amendment to make it explicit: “The right of citizens of the United States, who are eighteen years of age or older, to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State.” We can do this simply by removing the phrase “on account of age.”I believe every state should use one of two modern voting systems: Ranked Choice Voting or Scored Voting. Each has its own advantages, but both are more representative than our current system. By adopting Ranked Choice or Scored Voting, we can give voters more real choices, including third-party and Independent candidates, without “wasting” their vote.Election Day should become Election Month and Election Weekend. Every state should offer early voting throughout November, culminating in an Election Weekend held the weekend before Thanksgiving. Special elections and primaries outside November should be limited to three standardized weekends each year: Presidents Day weekend, the weekend seven days before Memorial Day, or the weekend after Labor Day. By standardizing the calendar, we can boost turnout in primaries, special elections, and other off-cycle races.One of the most historically progressive states in America might surprise people: South Dakota, where much of my family is from. South Dakota pioneered citizen initiatives, allowing people—not politicians—to change laws and even the state constitution through direct vote. We are unlikely ever to hold a federal Constitutional Convention, and given how unclear that process is, that may be for the best. But we cannot keep waiting for politicians at every level to make needed changes. I support the right of citizens to gather signatures and place public referenda on the ballot on issues of public importance. Direct democracy is one of the best tools we have to restore faith in our institutions and give people a real voice in their government.

I have always believed that the best way we can protect democracy as Democrats is to expand democracy. We can do so much more to expand democracy at the Federal, State and Local Level.

Being Democrat Means Supporting Democracy

Clean Elections &amp; Real TransparencyWe need to push back on the Supreme Court and if need be we need a Constitutional Amendment that once and for all gets rid of the corrupting influence of money in our politics. One of the thing every candidate for office will tell you they hate most is the fundraising piece. Our democracy works best when elections are decided by voters, not by billionaire donors and dark-money groups. I support a public financing system that empowers small donors and makes it possible for anyone—teacher, nurse, gig worker, small-business owner—to run a competitive campaign without being owned by special interests.Under my plan, every campaign dollar must go directly to the candidate’s committee and be fully disclosed. No secret super PACs, no shadowy nonprofits, no shell games. If someone wants to spend money to influence an election, voters should know who they are—period.Publicly financed, fully transparent campaigns would:<ul><li>Reduce corruption and “pay-to-play” politics</li><li>Give ordinary people a real voice in who represents them</li><li>Free elected officials to spend more time governing, not dialing for dollars</li><li>Strengthen our democracy against authoritarianism and oligarchic control</li><li>Provide every US citizen with vouchers they can contribute to the candidates of their choice putting power into the hands of Americans instead of private corporations or shadowy interest groups</li></ul>Elections should be funded in the sunlight. Every dollar, every donor, on the record.

It is time to end pay to play politics in America. My first campaign as an adult was McCain 2000 when I was 18 years old. The top reason I was motivated to be involved in that campaign was the McCain Feingold legislation that put limits on the corrupting influence of money. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court has gutted that legislation. We need to fight back and reclaim our democracy.

Publicly Financed Campaigns

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Federal Builder's Remedy and Housing Supply Accountability Act If a metro, county, or municipality refuses to legalize enough multi-family housing to meet its fair-share housing need, a federal builder’s remedy kicks in. While they’re out of compliance, they cannot block or down-zone qualifying multi-family projects that include a significant share of affordable housing—even if those projects violate local zoning caps on density, height, parking, etc.—subject only to narrow health, safety, and environmental limits.This is explicitly modeled on California’s builder’s remedy, which removes local power to deny compliant projects in jurisdictions without a certified “housing element” and requires at least 20% low-income or 100% moderate-income units in qualifying projects.(<a href="https://www.yimbylaw.org/buildersremedy?utm_source=chatgpt.com">YIMBY Law</a>)<ul><li>Metropolitan areas, counties, and municipalities above a population threshold (100,000 residents OR within a statistical metropolitan area over 250,000).</li><li>Any jurisdiction that:<ul><li>Controls zoning for residential or mixed-use development, and</li><li>Receives federal housing / infrastructure funds (CDBG, HOME, surface transportation funds, water/sewer grants, etc.).</li></ul></li></ul><ul><li>HUD, in consultation with DOT and Treasury, sets 10-year Housing Capacity Targets for each metro/jurisdiction, analogous to California’s RHNA system:<ul><li>Based on projected household growth, cost burdens, overcrowding, job growth, and existing under-production.</li><li>Broken down by income bands (extremely low, very low, low, moderate, market).</li></ul></li><li>A jurisdiction is deemed compliant if it has:<ol><li>A certified “Federal Housing Capacity Plan” (like a federal housing element) showing enough by-right zoned capacity to meet its Target, and</li><li>Has not adopted exclusionary policies that nullify that capacity (e.g., excessive minimum lot sizes, bans on multi-family, parking mandates that make feasible projects impossible).</li></ol></li></ul>A jurisdiction is labeled “High-Cost Non-Compliant” if:<ul><li>HUD certifies that its Housing Capacity Plan is missing, expired, or inadequate OR</li><li>Over a rolling 5-year window, the jurisdiction:<ul><li>Has permitted or completed less than, say, 70% of its Targeted units, especially in low- and moderate-income bands, and</li><li>Median rent or home prices exceed a specified threshold relative to regional median and income (e.g., rent &gt;35% of median renter income for most renter households).</li></ul></li></ul>Once designated non-compliant:<ul><li>The Federal Builder’s Remedy becomes available for qualifying projects.</li><li>The jurisdiction may lose access to certain discretionary grants unless it comes back into compliance—giving additional leverage.</li></ul><h3>Qualifying projects</h3>A “federal builder’s remedy project” could be defined as a housing development that:<ol><li>Is multi-family or mixed-use with a majority share of residential units;</li><li>Is located in a non-compliant jurisdiction, in an area:<ul><li>Served by or planned for public transit, or</li><li>Within a designated jobs-rich or high-opportunity area;</li></ul></li><li>Meets affordability requirements, such as:<ul><li>At least 20% of units affordable to low-income households, or</li><li>At least 10% very-low-income or 7% extremely-low-income (you can mirror AB 1893’s tiered options),(<a href="https://plandev.santaclaracounty.gov/services/planning-services/processing-planning-applications/sb330-housing-development-project/sb330-faqs?utm_source=chatgpt.com">Santa Clara Planning</a>)</li><li>Alternatively, 100% of units affordable to moderate-income households;</li></ul></li><li>Meets basic federal siting criteria, for example:<ul><li>Not in FEMA high-risk floodways, critical habitat, or incompatible airport safety zones (unless mitigated).</li><li>Not displacing irreplaceable critical infrastructure.</li></ul></li></ol><h3>What’s preempted</h3>In a non-compliant jurisdiction, for qualifying projects:<ul><li>Local governments may not deny or “condition approval so as to make infeasible” any qualifying project based on inconsistency with local land-use controls relating to:<ul><li>Use (e.g., bans on multi-family in “single-family” zones),</li><li>Density or FAR limits below a federal minimum,</li><li>Height limits below a federal minimum,</li><li>Minimum lot sizes over a reasonable cap,</li><li>Parking minimums beyond a federal cap, especially near transit.</li></ul></li><li>Instead, the project must be evaluated only against:<ul><li>Objective building and fire codes,</li><li>Objective environmental standards (NEPA, Clean Air Act, etc.),</li><li>Objective design standards adopted before the project’s application date (no ad-hoc design nitpicking).</li></ul></li></ul>Local governments retain the ability to deny only on narrow grounds:<ul><li>Specific, unmitigable adverse impacts on public health or safety, documented by substantial evidence (mirroring CA’s HAA standard). (<a href="https://abag.ca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/2022-10/Builders-Remedy-and-Housing-Elements.pdf?utm_source=chatgpt.com">Association of Bay Area Governments</a>)</li></ul><h3>Density &amp; form defaults</h3>Because federal law has to supply something in place of local zoning, the Act can set default envelopes for builder’s-remedy projects, e.g.:<ul><li>Minimum allowable density:<ul><li>At least 60 dwelling units per acre in transit-rich areas,</li><li>At least 30 units per acre elsewhere in urbanized areas.</li></ul></li><li>Minimum allowable height:<ul><li>6 stories (70–85 feet) near high-capacity transit,</li><li>4 stories (55 feet) in other eligible urbanized areas.</li></ul></li><li>Parking maximums:<ul><li>No more than 0.5 spaces per unit within ½ mile of high-capacity transit,</li><li>No more than 1 space per unit elsewhere (unless the developer wants more and can provide it on-site).</li></ul></li></ul>These become the federal minimums that preempt more restrictive local standards in non-compliant places.<h3>Vesting</h3><ul><li>Once a developer files a complete “federal builder’s remedy application”, the project’s rights are vested under the rules in effect on that filing date.</li><li>If the jurisdiction later becomes compliant, it cannot retroactively apply its new plans to kill or downsize these vested projects—again mirroring how CA’s SB 330 interacts with builder’s remedy.(<a href="https://www.hansonbridgett.com/publication/250110-1200-ca-builders-remedy?utm_source=chatgpt.com">Hanson Bridgett LLP</a>)</li></ul><h3>Private right of action</h3><ul><li>Developers and eligible non-profit housing organizations may sue in federal court to:<ul><li>Enjoin unlawful denials, delays, or down-zonings;</li><li>Compel approval under the builder’s remedy;</li><li>Recover attorney’s fees and damages for bad-faith obstruction.</li></ul></li></ul><h3>Federal agency enforcement</h3><ul><li>HUD (and possibly DOJ’s Civil Rights Division, tying to fair-housing concerns) may:<ul><li>Bring enforcement actions;</li><li>Withhold or reprogram certain funds (CDBG, discretionary transportation grants, etc.);</li><li>Enter compliance agreements with jurisdictions that commit to reforms.</li></ul></li></ul><h3>Anti-retaliation and “poison pill” prevention</h3><ul><li>Prohibit jurisdictions from:<ul><li>Down-zoning elsewhere in response;</li><li>Imposing special moratoria or fees only on builder’s-remedy projects;</li><li>Using permitting games (e.g., never deeming applications “complete”).</li></ul></li><li>Provide expedited judicial review (e.g., 90-day decision deadlines) to avoid death-by-delay.</li></ul>

Create a federal Builder’s Remedy that kicks in when cities or counties fail to legalize enough multi-family housing, stripping them of the power to block qualifying, mixed-income projects based on restrictive local zoning rules. In non-compliant, high-cost areas, developers and mission-driven housing groups could build denser, taller multi-family housing with meaningful affordability.

Federal Builders Remedy

A member of Congress actually has a lot of tools to defend the Constitution and push back against authoritarian and autocratic drift—IF they’re willing to use them. Here’s a concrete, practical list, of what I intend to do.<h4>1. Use legislative power to shore up democracy</h4>A. Protect free and fair elections<ul><li>Strengthen voting rights:<ul><li>Restore and expand the Voting Rights Act (e.g., modern pre-clearance rules for ALL states).</li><li>Support legislation that provides automatic voter registration, same-day registration, expanded early voting, and robust, secure vote-by-mail.</li><li>I believe we can both have voter ID laws while protecting the sacred right to vote. Democrats should ensure that any state with a voter ID mandate that the state is compelled to provide a same day ID if the purpose of the ID is to ensure they can vote in an election.</li><li>While the Right to Vote is provided in the Constitution in a couple forms, its language carveouts for age, race, color or previous condition of servitude have been misused by courts to limit the scope of the right to vote. I would propose updating the 15th and/or 26th Amendments to make it CRYSTAL clear "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State for ANY REASON."</li></ul></li><li>Protect election workers:<ul><li>Criminalize threats and harassment of election officials and poll workers at the federal level.</li><li>Fund better security and legal support for local election administrators to ensure we do not have intimidation.</li></ul></li><li>Make subversion harder:<ul><li>Clarify that state legislatures and Congress cannot simply override certified election outcomes without clear, lawful cause.</li><li>Require paper ballots or auditable paper trails and routine risk-limiting audits.</li></ul></li></ul>B. Codify guardrails on presidential power<ul><li>Reform the Electoral Count Act (already partially done): continue tightening procedures so Congress’s role is purely ministerial, limiting opportunities for bad-faith objections.</li><li>Limit emergency powers:<ul><li>Narrow the National Emergencies Act so a president can’t declare endless “emergencies” to bypass Congress.</li><li>Require automatic sunset and affirmative congressional reauthorization of emergency declarations.</li></ul></li><li>Clarify the Insurrection Act:<ul><li>Tighten when the president can deploy federal troops domestically.</li><li>Require clear legal standards, time limits, and congressional notification/oversight.</li></ul></li><li>Protect DOJ independence:<ul><li>Codify norms that the president cannot direct specific prosecutions or use DOJ to target political enemies.</li><li>Require logs and transparency around White House–DOJ contacts involving specific cases.</li></ul></li></ul>C. Strengthen rule-of-law institutions<ul><li>Set minimum standards and funding for public defenders, civil legal aid, and court access—rule of law is hollow if only the wealthy can use it.</li><li>Support reforms that improve judicial ethics and transparency, especially for the Supreme Court (mandatory ethics code, clearer recusal standards, disclosure of gifts and conflicts).</li><li>Ban the use of state elections for judges with the exception of recall or retention elections. Judges should be appointed based on transparent, merit based recommendations that work to remove partisanship in the judiciary.</li></ul><h4>2. Use oversight power aggressively and fairly</h4>A. Hold real hearings (not just partisan theater)<ul><li>Call hearings on:<ul><li>Politically motivated pressure on DOJ, FBI, and other law-enforcement agencies.</li><li>Corruption, self-dealing, and abuse of office (e.g., using office for personal gain, emoluments problems).</li><li>Attacks on election workers, journalists, or peaceful protesters.</li></ul></li><li>Bring career civil servants, nonpartisan experts, and whistleblowers forward to testify and build the public record.</li></ul>B. Protect whistleblowers and civil servants<ul><li>Strengthen whistleblower protections so people can report abuse without retaliation.</li><li>Provide independent counsel and stronger anti-retaliation remedies for career officials who resist unlawful orders.</li><li>Make it harder to purge civil servants for political reasons—blind loyalty should not replace competence and nonpartisanship.</li></ul>C. Demand transparency<ul><li>Use Congressional subpoena power to obtain documents and testimony when the executive branch refuses to cooperate.</li><li>Push for:<ul><li>Public visitor logs at the White House and key agencies.</li><li>Disclosure of significant communications with lobbyists and foreign governments.</li><li>Strong enforcement of FOIA and preservation of government records.</li></ul></li></ul><h4>3. Defend checks and balances—even when it’s inconvenient</h4>A. Resist power grabs by any president<ul><li>Oppose executive orders that clearly bypass Congress’s role in making major, lasting law.</li><li>Challenge unconstitutional or authoritarian moves in court, even if they are politically popular in the short term.</li><li>Refuse to rubber-stamp appointments of openly unqualified or extremist nominees to the courts, law enforcement, or intelligence agencies.</li></ul>B. Uphold congressional prerogatives<ul><li>Guard Congress’s power of the purse:<ul><li>Restrict the ability of the executive to reprogram or divert funds for unauthorized purposes (e.g., building things Congress declined to fund).</li></ul></li><li>Protect war powers:<ul><li>Insist on congressional authorization for major military actions.</li><li>Use sunset clauses and mandatory re-votes on broad post-9/11 authorizations for the use of military force.</li></ul></li></ul><h4>4. Protect fundamental rights and vulnerable groups</h4>Authoritarian systems usually start by dehumanizing and disempowering specific groups.A. Stand up for civil liberties<ul><li>Oppose laws that criminalize protest, dissent, or journalism under vague labels like “disorder” or “extremism.”</li><li>Strengthen protections against mass surveillance and data collection without warrants.</li><li>Support robust protections for free speech—even when it’s speech you personally dislike.</li></ul>B. Protect minority communities and dissenters<ul><li>Enforce anti-discrimination and civil-rights laws in voting, housing, employment, policing.</li><li>Investigate and expose patterns of racially biased policing, hate crimes, or governmental targeting of particular communities.</li><li>Resist attempts to label broad categories of political opponents as “enemies” or “traitors.”</li></ul><h4>5. Model democratic norms in everyday behavior</h4>This is less about law, more about culture—and it matters.A. Refuse to normalize lies about elections<ul><li>Publicly and consistently affirm certified election results, even when our preferred candidate loses.</li><li>Reject conspiracy theories about “rigged” elections unless backed by credible, adjudicated evidence.</li><li>Correct misinformation coming from our own party or allies.</li></ul>B. Respect opponents as legitimate<ul><li>Do not call for jailing political rivals simply because they’re rivals.</li><li>Avoid demonizing rhetoric that suggests certain groups of Americans are less “real” or less deserving of rights.</li><li>Support bipartisan basic rules—like accepting peaceful transfers of power.</li></ul>C. Be transparent and accountable personally<ul><li>Disclose finances, taxes, and potential conflicts of interest beyond the minimum legal requirement.</li><li>Hold regular town halls, answer hostile questions, and publish clear summaries of my votes and positions.</li></ul><h4>6. Build pro-democracy coalitions</h4>An individual member of Congress is powerful, but coalition-building multiplies that power.<ul><li>Join or form cross-party caucuses focused on democracy protection (election integrity, rule of law, anti-corruption).</li><li>Work with state and local officials (secretaries of state, election boards, AGs) to support secure and accessible elections.</li><li>Partner with civil-society groups (ACLU, NAACP, League of Women Voters, Protect Democracy, etc.) to bring external expertise and public pressure.</li></ul><h4>7. Educate and mobilize the public</h4>Authoritarianism thrives on apathy and confusion.<ul><li>Use my platform to explain, in simple language:<ul><li>What the Constitution actually says.</li><li>Why independent courts, free press, and peaceful transfers of power matter to everyday life.</li></ul></li><li>Publish common language explainers of:<ul><li>What I will do if a president defies a court order.</li><li>What happens if an election is disputed.</li><li>What protections ordinary people have if government targets them unfairly.</li></ul></li><li>Encourage civic participation:<ul><li>Promote jury service, voting, running for local office, volunteering as a poll worker.</li><li>Support civic education funding in schools.</li></ul></li></ul><h4>8. Red lines must be clear and said out loud</h4>A member of Congress can publicly articulate clear “red lines” and I commit to these specific actions:<ul><li>If any president refuses to accept an election loss or tries to overturn results, I will vote to certify the true results, support impeachment if necessary, and back lawful investigations.</li><li>If a president orders DOJ to prosecute political opponents without credible evidence, I will publicly oppose it, push for special counsel review, and legislate additional safeguards.</li><li>If federal troops are deployed domestically against peaceful protesters without clear legal basis, I will support immediate investigations and, if warranted, restrictions on funding or authority.</li></ul>

As your Representative, I will hold Donald Trump and anyone in his administration accountable to the law. I have a detailed set of policies for how I will fight Authoritarianism and Autocracy and defend our sacred Democracy.

Fighting Autocracy &amp; Defending Democracy

Micah Bergdale is a Democratic candidate for Congress in New York’s 12th District, focused on delivering practical solutions to the biggest challenges facing New Yorkers. His campaign centers on fixing transit, lowering housing costs, strengthening democratic rights, and making everyday life in Manhattan and Queens more affordable and reliable. With a background in real-world problem-solving, Micah is running to bring effective, commonsense leadership to Washington.

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NYC - Built For Everyone

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Our Campaign's Top Issues

Stop Funding Trump Defense & ICE Contractors

Fighting Autocracy & Defending Democracy

Complete The 2nd Ave Subway in a Decade

Universal Early Learning and Care Guarantee

Israel & Palestine, A Path to Peace

My Jewish Story & Fighting Antisemitism

Reimagining 12th Grade

Lower Housing Costs, Don't Just Freeze Them

Federal Builders Remedy

Electing Someone From the LGBTQIA+ Community

Universal Medicare and Viable Transition Plan

Living Wage Not a Minimum Wage

Expand the N/W subway to LaGuardia Airport

Reproductive Rights Means Freedom for Everyone

Workforce Support for AI & Autonomous Tech

Publicly Financed Campaigns

Better, Expanded Transit

Immigrants Deserve Our Respect and Support

Being Democrat Means Supporting Democracy

We’re grateful for your donations!

NYC - Built For Everyone

We’re grateful for your donations!

Our Campaign's Top Issues

Stop Funding Trump Defense & ICE Contractors

Fighting Autocracy & Defending Democracy

Complete The 2nd Ave Subway in a Decade

Universal Early Learning and Care Guarantee

Israel & Palestine, A Path to Peace

My Jewish Story & Fighting Antisemitism

Reimagining 12th Grade

Lower Housing Costs, Don't Just Freeze Them

Federal Builders Remedy

Electing Someone From the LGBTQIA+ Community

Universal Medicare and Viable Transition Plan

Living Wage Not a Minimum Wage

Expand the N/W subway to LaGuardia Airport

Reproductive Rights Means Freedom for Everyone

Workforce Support for AI & Autonomous Tech

Publicly Financed Campaigns

Better, Expanded Transit

Immigrants Deserve Our Respect and Support

Being Democrat Means Supporting Democracy

We’re grateful for your donations!

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