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Eight months ago, when Jerry Nadler announced his retirement, I was frustrated with New York politics — but I waited to see what November would bring. While I have policy disagreements with Mayor Mamdani, his victory represented something genuinely refreshing: a real challenge to the New York political machine. Watching it unfold, I was inspired to run as an outsider for New York's 12th Congressional District. I looked at the field and saw no candidate with the lived experience of a small business owner, and no one bringing deep transit and environmental expertise to the conversation. There was a real opening for someone with my background to step in and make a difference in our dysfunctional government.I cherished every moment of meeting voters — at events, in their homes, on the street. Nothing gives me greater joy than working through real-world solutions to the challenges we all face in Donald Trump's America. I knew entrenched political interests would try to stand in my way. What I did not anticipate was how far they would be willing to go to keep me off the ballot.How is an entrepreneur running an EV rental company in the South Bronx such a threat that Micah Lasher would direct firepower at me that would be far better spent fighting Donald Trump? People associated with the Lasher campaign harassed my family, friends, and neighbors. I was left off invitations to forums and events where Lasher was attending — and then gaslit when I raised it, told the omissions were simply a mistake. We were told in no uncertain terms that the SOLE reason they wanted me off the ballot was that I shared the same name of “Micah”. There were other candidates who are on the ballot for New York’s 12th Congressional District who probably would not be if someone had challenged their petitions, but I was the only person who had their petitions challenged.But what I saw at the Board of Elections over the past few weeks was truly shocking. The BOE first issued a report on April 24 confirming we had hundreds more signatures than required to qualify for the ballot. Then, at the end of the day on a Friday, May 1, a second newly assigned clerk released a new report claiming we were just over 100 signatures short. There was no indication this report was needed, no advance notice it was being prepared, and — because of the timing — no way for us to respond until Monday, May 4.When we arrived at the BOE Monday, May 4, it took hours for them to even produce the documents we needed to understand the change, called Line by Lines. The most glaring issue: a registered Democrat who had collected signatures for our campaign — and for other Democratic candidates across New York City — had recently moved, and the BOE declared she was not a registered voter, when in fact she was. Our petitions were the only ones challenged and invalidated on this basis, despite her work being credited toward other Democrats now on the ballot around New York City. Had her petitions not been thrown out, we would have cleared the threshold with room to spare.At a formal hearing on Tuesday, May 5, the BOE refused to consider our evidence — a sworn affidavit, driver's license, voter registration card, and lease agreement, all confirming her valid address and registration. They told us to take it to court. In a twist of circular logic, the court had already ruled against us earlier in the day, on the grounds that the BOE was unlikely to put me on the ballot due to insufficient signatures. What is all the more shocking about this situation, the petitioner whose signatures were invalidated gathered signatures for members of the State Assembly, State Senate and other offices, all of whom had the petitions from this petitioner validated by the same Board of Elections. It defies logic that the petitioner would not have been valid for my campaign but was seen as valid for multiple other candidates running for public office this year.Anyone who knows the signature-gathering process in New York knows how grueling and expensive it is. I put my heart and soul into this campaign, but it has become painfully clear that the Democratic machine does not want me on the ballot. In light of that, and the tens of thousands in legal costs required to keep fighting, I am suspending my campaign for New York's 12th Congressional District.I will keep fighting Donald Trump's dangerous agenda by supporting Democrats throughout New York and across the country. I will continue working to advance mobility in New York City, electrify more of our transit, reduce pollution, and expand recycling efforts in every neighborhood. And I will take on a personal effort to advance peace in the Middle East by raising the profiles and work of the remarkable Palestinian and Israeli women activists pushing back against political systems built to suppress their voices for generations. I believe lasting peace will only come when women are at the table — ready to force it upon the men who have dominated the region's politics for far too long.I want to thank my supporters, donors and the other amazing candidates I met through this process. The relationships forged here will last a lifetime, and for that I am truly grateful.

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Micah Bergdale is running for Congress because he wants to see meaningful changes to fix our national problems. The issues below are just some of the policy concepts and proposals that Micah plans to propose if elected to Congress.

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Micah Bergdale is running for New York's 12th Congressional District in the 2026 Election.

Bergdale For Congress - NY District 12 

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<h3>Daycare, Pre-K, and Family Caregiver Support in Every Community</h3>In the United States, we treat early childhood care like a private luxury instead of what it actually is: essential infrastructure for families and the economy. Parents are forced to choose between paying more than their rent for daycare, working fewer hours, or dropping out of the workforce entirely. At the same time, we know that high-quality early learning from birth to age five sets children up for life.I support a Universal Early Learning and Care Guarantee: every family, in every community in the United States, should have access to affordable, high-quality daycare and universal Pre-K—and families who choose to care for their young children at home should receive meaningful financial support for that caregiving.<h3>Core Principles</h3>This policy is built on a few clear commitments:<ul><li>Universal access. Every child from birth to kindergarten entry should have a guaranteed place in a licensed, high-quality early learning program—center-based, school-based, or home-based—according to family choice.</li><li>Affordability. No family should be forced to pay unaffordable sums for care. Early learning costs should be capped as a small share of household income, with care fully subsidized for low-income families.</li><li>High quality and developmentally appropriate. Early learning must be safe, nurturing, and play-based, with strong standards that support children’s social, emotional, and cognitive development—not just test prep for kindergarten.</li><li>Respect for caregivers as professionals. Early childhood educators should earn wages and benefits comparable to K–12 teachers with similar credentials and experience.</li><li>Family choice and flexibility. Families—not the government—choose the setting, language, culture, and schedule that works for them. Public funding follows the child.</li><li>Respect for all caregiving choices. Families who prefer licensed centers, school-based programs, home-based providers, or care by parents and grandparents should all be supported, as long as children are safe and receiving developmentally appropriate early learning.</li><li>Equity and inclusion. Programs must be fully inclusive of children with disabilities, multilingual learners, and children from all racial, cultural, and family backgrounds.</li></ul><h3>What the Policy Does</h3><h4>1. Universal, Free Pre-K for All 3- and 4-Year-Olds</h4><ul><li>Guarantees free, voluntary Pre-K for all 4-year-olds nationwide, with a planned phase-in to include 3-year-olds.</li><li>Pre-K can be delivered in public schools, community-based organizations, Head Start programs, tribal programs, and licensed nonprofit or for-profit providers that meet high quality standards.</li><li>Programs are full-school-day and full-school-year by default, with options for extended hours for working families.</li></ul><h4>2. Affordable Daycare for Infants and Toddlers (0–3)</h4><ul><li>Creates a sliding-scale system so that daycare for children under three is free for families with low incomes and becomes progressively capped as income rises, ensuring middle-class families never pay a crushing share of their income for care.</li><li>Public funding can be used at a range of settings—licensed centers, licensed home-based providers, and family childcare networks—so long as they meet strong health, safety, and quality standards.</li><li>Encourages employer partnerships so businesses can contribute to and benefit from expanded access, especially in high-cost and shortage areas.</li></ul><h4>3. A Mixed-Delivery System That Uses What Already Works</h4><ul><li>Builds on and expands Head Start, Early Head Start, and high-quality community programs, rather than replacing them.</li><li>Supports school districts that want to expand Pre-K, but does not require that all services be run by public schools.</li><li>In rural and small communities, invests in family childcare homes, shared-services networks, and regional hubs to ensure access even where population density is low.</li></ul><h3>Supporting Families Who Choose to Care for Children at Home</h3>Universal Early Learning and Care must not force families into one model of childcare. Some parents and grandparents want to provide care themselves—often for cultural, financial, or trust reasons—but they are effectively penalized when public support only flows to institutional providers.I support a Family Caregiver Early Learning Allowance so that stay-at-home parents, grandparents, or other kin caregivers who provide a structured, developmentally appropriate early learning environment at home can receive financial support parallel to what the public would invest if that child were enrolled in a community daycare or Pre-K program.Under this approach:<ul><li>Care at home is recognized as real early learning. Families who choose to keep their young children at home or in kin-based care can opt into the public system by agreeing to basic health, safety, and early-learning guidelines.</li><li>Payments follow the child, not just the provider. A portion of the public funding that would have gone to a center, school, or nonprofit provider instead goes directly to the eligible caregiver—typically the parent or grandparent—through a monthly Early Learning Caregiver Payment.</li><li>Light-touch quality standards, strong respect for family autonomy. To qualify, caregivers commit to providing age-appropriate early learning activities (reading, play-based learning, social-emotional routines), maintaining safe conditions, and participating in periodic check-ins or optional workshops—not to replicating a formal classroom.</li><li>Access to materials and support. Families receiving the allowance are also eligible for free or low-cost early learning kits (books, toys, art supplies), developmental screenings, parent coaching, and connections to health and nutrition programs such as WIC and SNAP.</li><li>Cultural and linguistic relevance. This model explicitly supports families who want to nurture their child in their home language and cultural traditions, while still giving children access to high-quality early learning experiences.</li></ul>To protect equity and prevent abuse:<ul><li>Income-sensitive design. The Family Caregiver Early Learning Allowance is most generous for low- and middle-income families, ensuring that staying home with young children is a real, not merely theoretical, option.</li><li>Clear guardrails. Funds are for children’s care and early learning—not a general income replacement program. States administer and audit the program to prevent fraud and ensure children are safe.</li><li>No penalty for later enrolling. If a family later chooses to move their child into center-based care or public Pre-K, they can do so without losing eligibility for other supports.</li></ul><h3>Supporting the Early Childhood Workforce</h3>Universal access cannot exist without a respected, stable workforce.<ul><li>Pay parity and benefits. Establishes a federal floor and matching funds to ensure early childhood educators are paid on par with K–12 teachers when they have similar credentials and responsibilities, with access to health care, retirement benefits, and paid leave.</li><li>Training and credential pathways. Funds scholarships, apprenticeships, and “grow-your-own” programs so current caregivers can earn credentials without going into debt, and new educators can enter the field through multiple accessible routes.</li><li>Workforce stabilization grants. Provides immediate funding to raise wages and improve working conditions during the transition period so programs can retain staff and avoid closures.</li></ul><h3>Quality and Accountability</h3><ul><li>National quality standards, local flexibility. Sets clear federal benchmarks for group sizes, staff-to-child ratios, staff qualifications, safety, and curriculum frameworks, while allowing states and local providers flexibility in how they meet them.</li><li>Screenings and supports. Ensures early identification and support for children with developmental delays or disabilities, including partnerships with early intervention services and special education.</li><li>Family engagement. Requires programs to build real partnerships with parents—offering regular communication, family conferences, culturally and linguistically appropriate materials, and connections to health and social services.</li><li>Data transparency. States report on access, quality, workforce conditions, use of the Family Caregiver Allowance, and child outcomes (in age-appropriate, non-high-stakes ways) so families and policymakers can see where progress is being made and where gaps remain.</li></ul><h3>Funding and Federal–State Partnership</h3><ul><li>Federal guarantee with state partnership. The federal government sets the guarantee and provides substantial, stable funding. States administer programs, set specific implementation plans, and contribute their share through maintenance-of-effort and matching funds.</li><li>Prioritizing communities with the greatest need. Early funding focuses on childcare deserts, low-income neighborhoods, rural communities, tribal communities, and places where women have been pushed out of the workforce because of lack of care.</li><li>Simplified access for families. Families apply through a single, streamlined portal and can see all eligible programs in their area—public, private, nonprofit, home-based, and the option to enroll as a family caregiver—to minimize paperwork and confusion.</li></ul><h3>Why This Matters</h3>Universal daycare and Pre-K is not just a “family policy” or a “women’s issue”—it is economic policy, education policy, and equality policy all at once:<ul><li>It helps parents, especially mothers, stay in the workforce and pursue their careers if they choose.</li><li>It closes opportunity gaps before kindergarten, instead of trying to fix them years later.</li><li>It treats the people who care for and teach our youngest children—whether in centers, schools, or their own homes—as the skilled professionals they are.</li><li>It ensures that where a child is born, or whether their parent stays home or works, does not determine whether they have a safe place to learn, play, and grow.</li></ul>A Universal Early Learning and Care Guarantee, including a Family Caregiver Early Learning Allowance, makes one crucial promise: in the United States, raising young children is not something families are left to struggle with alone—it’s a shared commitment we make to one another, and to the next generation.

I support a Universal Early Learning and Care Guarantee so every family in every community has access to affordable, high-quality daycare and universal Pre-K from birth to kindergarten, with early educators paid like the professionals they are. Public funding would follow the child—whether to a licensed center, school-based program, home-based provider, or a parent or grandparent at home through a

Universal Early Learning and Care Guarantee

I unequivocally support a woman’s right to choose, and I back federal legislation—such as the Women’s Health Protection Act—to restore a national standard similar to Roe and Casey: protecting access to abortion up to the point of viability, and after viability whenever a woman’s life or health is at risk. I also support expanding access to contraception, medication abortion, and comprehensive reproductive health services, including for those who must travel across state lines, and ensuring that no one is criminalized or discriminated against for seeking or providing care.At the same time, I believe it is critical to reclaim the idea of being “pro-life” from those who focus solely on restricting abortion. Supporting life means supporting families—ensuring that every parent has the resources, healthcare, and economic stability necessary to bring a child into the world safely and to provide them with a real chance to thrive. Policies like universal Medicare, accessible childcare, paid leave, and robust prenatal and postnatal care reflect the true meaning of supporting life: reducing fear, hardship, and financial insecurity for parents and children alike.Democrats should not cede the moral high ground on this issue. We are the ones fighting to make sure every pregnancy is safe, every birth is supported, and every child has the greatest possible opportunity for success. Supporting reproductive freedom and supporting families are not opposing goals—they are part of the same commitment to dignity, health, and opportunity for every person in this country.

I unequivocally support a&nbsp;woman’s right to choose, and support federal legislation (like the Women’s Health Protection Act) to restore something close to the Roe standard nationwide—allowing abortion up to viability, and after viability when the mother’s life or health is at risk. Additionally, I will fight for expansion of access to contraception, medication abortion, and reproductive health.

Reproductive Rights Means Freedom for Everyone

I believe New York’s transit system should be the envy of the world, not a daily struggle, so my transit agenda starts with improving the subway system reliability, increasing train frequency so riders are never waiting long, and attacking delays at their root with modernized signals, better maintenance, and real-time data. I will push to electrify our ferry services so New Yorkers can move around the city on clean, quiet vessels that cut emissions instead of adding to them. And because the future of mobility is electric, I will fight to expand access to electric vehicles—especially shared EVs—by investing in charging infrastructure, supporting carshare and fleet programs, and making it easier and cheaper for working families to choose clean transportation.

I believe New York City and the entire United States needs a better transit agenda. I am running as the transit candidate. I have worked in the transit and mobility industry for most of my career, and I am seeking policies that prepare America's transportation system for our rapidly evolving future.

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Better, Expanded Transit

<h3>Overview</h3>High-cost cities like New York face a structural housing shortage driven by decades of constrained supply, underinvestment in social and cooperative housing, speculative ownership, and large numbers of long-vacant units. Traditional tools such as rent freezes do little to address the underlying scarcity or bring rents down.This memo outlines a federal housing agenda built around three pillars:<ol><li>Support cooperative and limited-equity housing, including modernized Mitchell-Lama–style programs.</li><li>Limit harmful speculative private equity ownership of family-scale housing.</li><li>Bring long-vacant units back into use by cutting red tape and aligning incentives, especially in high-cost markets.</li></ol>The goal is to make housing more abundant, more affordable, and more democratically controlled, while helping rents stabilize and ultimately decline over time.<h3>Problem</h3><ul><li>Chronic under-supply: Zoning, regulatory barriers, and political resistance have constrained new housing supply and rehabilitation, especially in Democratic-led high-cost cities.</li><li>Weak support for resident-controlled housing: Cooperative and limited-equity models like Mitchell-Lama have demonstrated success, but federal tools do not adequately support their preservation or expansion.</li><li>Institutional speculation: Private equity and large investment vehicles increasingly own housing originally intended for individuals and families, contributing to price pressures and reduced local control.</li><li>Long-term vacancy: Tens of thousands of units in cities like New York remain vacant for a year or more due to regulatory and financial barriers to rehabilitation, even as homelessness and rent burdens rise.</li></ul><h3>Solution 1: Cooperative &amp; Limited-Equity Housing</h3>Objective: Expand resident-controlled, long-term affordable housing through federal support for cooperative conversions and modernized Mitchell-Lama–style programs.Key Components<ol><li>Cooperative Conversion Facilitation Program (CCFP)<ul><li>Provide low-interest federal loans, guarantees, or credit enhancements (via HUD or a dedicated facility) for:<ul><li>Tenant-led buyouts of rental buildings;</li><li>Nonprofit/municipal acquisition with a cooperative conversion plan.</li></ul></li><li>Encourage mixed-tenure structures where:<ul><li>Most units become limited-equity co-op units;</li><li>A share is held by a city or nonprofit sponsor as permanently affordable rentals.</li></ul></li><li>Fund technical assistance for tenant organizing, legal support, and co-op governance training.</li><li>Tie certain federal tax or financing benefits to a right of first offer/refusal for tenants, nonprofits, or public entities when buildings are sold.</li></ul></li><li>Modernizing Mitchell-Lama–Style Programs<ul><li>Create a Mitchell-Lama Preservation Fund to help existing developments refinance, address capital needs, and remain in affordability regimes.</li><li>Support new limited-equity and moderate-income developments through federal-state-local partnerships with long-term affordability covenants.</li><li>Adapt LIHTC and other tax incentives to work better for co-ops and limited-equity models, not just traditional rental structures.</li></ul></li></ol><h3>Solution 2: Limiting Private Equity Ownership in Family-Scale Housing</h3>Objective: Curb speculative institutional ownership in housing types historically intended for individuals and families, and redirect these properties toward local and community ownership.Key Components<ol><li>Family-Scale Residential Property is defined as<ul><li>1–4 unit buildings and certain small multifamily properties historically owner-occupied or family-owned.</li></ul></li><li>Ownership Limits for Covered Entities<ul><li>Restrict or phase out ownership of family-scale properties by:<ul><li>Private equity funds;</li><li>Large REITs above defined asset thresholds;</li><li>Similar investment vehicles.</li></ul></li></ul></li><li>Enhanced Taxation and Transparency<ul><li>Apply higher transaction or holding taxes to covered entities retaining large portfolios of family-scale housing beyond a transition period.</li><li>Require robust beneficial ownership and concentration reporting.</li></ul></li><li>Divestment Pathways<ul><li>Incentivize sales of properties via Federal tax policy and housing subsidies to:<ul><li>Individual owner-occupants;</li><li>Limited-equity co-ops;</li><li>Community land trusts;</li><li>Nonprofit housing organizations.</li></ul></li></ul></li></ol><h3>Solution 3: Vacant Unit Recovery &amp; Reducing Homelessness</h3>Objective: Return long-vacant units to active use, cut red tape that keeps habitable units offline, and connect these units to homelessness reduction strategies.Key Components<ol><li>Federal Vacant Unit Recovery Standard<ul><li>Define “long-vacant” units as those empty for 12+ consecutive months and located in high-cost/high-need areas.</li><li>Establish a conditional federal standard that jurisdictions may not enforce rules that effectively prevent owners from renting long-vacant, code-compliant units.</li><li>Tie compliance to eligibility for certain HUD and community development funds (e.g., CDBG, select housing grants).</li></ul></li><li>Rehabilitation Incentives<ul><li>Offer federal grants or low-interest loans to small landlords, co-ops, nonprofits, and public entities to bring long-vacant units up to code, in exchange for:<ul><li>Commitments to rent at reasonable/regulated levels; and/or</li><li>Set-asides for low-income tenants or people exiting homelessness.</li></ul></li></ul></li><li>Market Re-Entry for Some Units<ul><li>Allow certain long-vacant units to re-enter the market at negotiated or market-rate rents where prior regulation has made rehab economically impossible, with conditions:<ul><li>Proof of significant vacancy duration;</li><li>Compliance with habitability and tenant protection standards.</li></ul></li></ul></li><li>Integration with Homelessness Programs<ul><li>Require jurisdictions receiving federal homelessness funds to:<ul><li>Identify and track long-vacant units;</li><li>Incorporate them into housing-first and rapid rehousing strategies;</li><li>Use vouchers, master leasing, or service-linked contracts to house unhoused individuals and families.</li></ul></li></ul></li></ol><h3>Implementation &amp; Funding</h3><ul><li>Federal tools: Use HUD programs, GSEs, Treasury (including LIHTC reforms, CDFIs), and conditions on federal grants to drive adoption.</li><li>Tax policy: Adjust tax incentives and penalties to favor cooperative and limited-equity models and disfavor speculative ownership in family-scale housing.</li><li>Funding:<ul><li>Redirect and expand existing HUD and community development funds;</li><li>Create targeted new appropriations for cooperative conversions, Mitchell-Lama–style developments, and vacant-unit rehab;</li><li>Use enhanced taxation of speculative holdings to help offset costs.</li></ul></li></ul><h3>Metrics &amp; Evaluation</h3>Core metrics to track:<ul><li>Number of units converted to cooperative or limited-equity ownership.</li><li>Number of Mitchell-Lama–style units preserved and created.</li><li>Reduction in share of family-scale housing owned by large financial entities.</li><li>Number and percentage of long-vacant units brought back into active use.</li><li>Trends in median rent and rent-burden rates in high-cost jurisdictions.</li><li>Homelessness and housing placement outcomes linked to reclaimed units.</li></ul><h3>Summary</h3><ul><li>Move beyond symbolic rent freezes toward structural reforms that increase supply and bring rents down.</li><li>Treat housing as a home first, financial asset second, by curbing speculative private equity ownership in family-scale housing.</li><li>Empower residents through co-ops, limited-equity models, and modernized Mitchell-Lama-style programs.</li><li>Cut red tape and unlock vacant units so they can house people instead of sitting empty and deteriorating.</li><li>Use federal policy to align incentives toward abundant, stable, community-rooted housing, especially in high-cost cities like New York.</li></ul>

My housing agenda takes on the root causes of New York’s affordability crisis by breaking the grip of speculators, empowering residents to own their buildings through co-ops and modern Mitchell-Lama–style programs, and forcing long-vacant apartments back into use. By using federal power to finance cooperative conversions, rein in private equity’s control over family homes, and cut local red tape.

Lower Housing Costs, Don't Just Freeze Them

AN AI FUTURE THAT WORKS FOR PEOPLE A plan to protect workers and build the careers of tomorrow<h3>Why I’m Sounding the Alarm</h3>My background is in technology. I hold software and hardware patents, and I spent a decade working with Apple as an engineer and consultant. I’ve founded tech companies in transit technology, parking AI, and electric-vehicle management.I love building new tools—but I’m alarmed by how fast AI and automation are coming for people’s jobs.Right now, we have a Congress and a President who are not prepared for how this will hit ordinary people. Over the next decade, many people in their 30s and 40s risk being automated out of the jobs that currently support their families. Too many New Yorkers already work just to survive in one of the most expensive cities in the world—AI could take even that away.We need a plan.<h3>The Big Idea</h3>If technology is going to take work away from people, then government must guarantee a path toward better work.My plan, the AI &amp; Automation Transition and Opportunity Act, is built on a simple promise:No worker should be left behind by AI and automation. If your job is taken, your government owes you a path to a new career with dignity and good pay.<h3>1. Early Warning on AI Job Losses</h3><ul><li>Create a National AI &amp; Automation Impact Observatory to track which jobs and industries are being automated.</li><li>When a sector or city (like New York) hits a risk threshold, it automatically:<ul><li>Unlocks extra training funds,</li><li>Triggers worker outreach, and</li><li>Requires big employers to file real AI impact plans instead of just PR.</li></ul></li></ul><h3>2. A Federal “Right to Retraining”</h3>If you lose your job because of AI or automation, you get:<ul><li>Guaranteed, fully funded retraining in a high-demand field:<ul><li>Healthcare, clean energy, EV infrastructure, transit operations, coding, cybersecurity, and more.</li></ul></li><li>A living stipend while you train, so you can pay rent and buy groceries—not just take an online course at midnight after a second job.</li><li>Programs run through community colleges, public universities, unions, and vetted nonprofits, ending in real credentials, not fake certificates.</li></ul><h3>3. Wage Insurance &amp; Real Job Placement</h3>Retraining isn’t enough. People have bills.<ul><li>Wage insurance for workers in their 30s, 40s, and 50s who move from higher-paying automated jobs into new fields, so they don’t fall off a financial cliff.</li><li>A national AI Transition Job Platform that matches retrained workers to real jobs in sectors we know we must build anyway:<ul><li>Climate resilience, EV and transit infrastructure, public tech, education, and care work.</li></ul></li></ul><h3>4. A “Future of Work Corps”</h3>Treat this like a New Deal-scale project:<ul><li>A Future of Work Corps that hires and trains people for:<ul><li>EV charging networks and grid upgrades,</li><li>Modern transit systems and fare tech,</li><li>Green building retrofits and climate resilience,</li><li>Digital public infrastructure and cybersecurity,</li><li>Community health, childcare, and elder care enhanced—not replaced—by AI tools.</li></ul></li><li>Priority for workers displaced by AI and for residents of high-cost cities like New York.</li></ul><h3>5. Make Big Winners Help Pay</h3>The companies and sectors making billions from AI should help fund the transition:<ul><li>An AI automation impact fee on very large firms that sharply increase profits while cutting jobs due to automation.</li><li>Targeted transition funds for retraining, stipends, and wage insurance—not more blank-check corporate subsidies.</li></ul><h3>What This Means for New Yorkers</h3><ul><li>If AI or automation takes your job, you won’t just get a pink slip and a “good luck.”</li><li>You’ll have a legal right to retraining, income support while you learn, and help finding a real job in the new economy.</li><li>We will build the careers of the future on purpose—instead of letting Wall Street and Silicon Valley decide who gets left behind.</li></ul><h3>My Commitment</h3>I’ve spent my life building technology. I know how powerful AI is—and how dangerous it is to ignore its impact on working people.In Congress, I will fight for:<ul><li>Serious, well-funded training and transition programs for anyone displaced by AI and automation.</li><li>Good wages and meaningful work, not a future where people are discarded as “obsolete.”</li><li>A federal government that finally takes responsibility for the world technology is creating.</li></ul>We can have innovation and dignity. But only if we choose it.

We need a plan for how we are going to prepare our workforce for the oncoming onslought of AI changes that are changing the nature of work and the skillsets required for new entrants. We are also about experience Autonomous Vehicles and Robots to replace physical labor work. I have developed a strategy for how we deal with these technological changes.

Workforce Support for AI &amp; Autonomous Tech

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<h3>The Senior Pathways Act: Two Equal Options for 12th Grade</h3>Our education system treats 12th grade as an afterthought and the trades as a backup plan. At the same time, first-year college students pay full tuition for general education classes that often repeat high school content, while students headed into the trades get fragmented, underfunded vocational offerings. We can do better—for every student.I support creating a Senior Pathways model that offers every high school senior a clear, supported choice between two equally respected options:<ol><li>The Senior Year University Pathway (SYUP) – a college-level general education program built into 12th grade; and</li><li>The Senior Trades Readiness Pathway (STRP) – a pre-apprenticeship trades program equivalent to a first year of trade school.</li></ol>Both pathways would adapt to labor and skills market demands, be well-resourced, and designed to open doors—not close them.<h3>Shared Principles</h3>Both Senior Pathways would be built around the same core commitments:<ul><li>Real value, not busywork. 12th grade must lead to college credit, recognized credentials, or documented apprenticeship hours—not just seat time.</li><li>Free at the point of use. Families should not pay extra tuition or fees for coursework that substitutes for a first year of college or trade school.</li><li>Guaranteed recognition. Whether a student chooses college or trades, what they accomplish in 12th grade must be honored by colleges, unions, employers, and apprenticeship programs.</li><li>Equity and access. Pathways must be available in every community, with extra funding and support in under-resourced schools.</li><li>Student choice, not tracking. No student is locked in. Strong counseling and the ability to switch or blend pathways are essential with the possibility of an extended Senior Year if someone decides they would like to have the option of both Pathways.</li></ul><h3>Pathway 1: Senior Year University Pathway</h3>For students planning to attend college, the Senior Year University Pathway (SYUP) would turn 12th grade into the equivalent of a freshman-year general education program.Under the Senior Year University Pathway:<ul><li>12th grade becomes first-year college gen ed. Seniors take a coordinated set of college-level courses in writing and communication, quantitative reasoning, social and natural sciences, and civic literacy, aligned to state standards and first-year university expectations.</li><li>Credits must transfer. Public colleges and universities in the state would be required to recognize these credits toward their general education requirements, and private institutions would be required to do the same as a condition of receiving certain federal and state funds.</li><li>High schools and colleges partner deeply. Courses are co-designed and co-taught with community colleges and universities. High school teachers can be credentialed as dual-enrollment instructors; colleges can provide faculty, online instruction, and shared syllabi.</li><li>Students save time and money. A student who completes the Senior Year University Pathway graduates high school with a year of college credit, meaning less tuition, less debt, and a quicker path to a degree.</li></ul><h3>Pathway 2: Senior Trades Readiness Pathway (STRP)</h3>For students who want to go directly into the workforce through high-wage, high-skill trades, the Senior Trades Readiness Pathway would make 12th grade a true pre-apprenticeship year.Under STRP:<ul><li>12th grade becomes a pre-apprenticeship. Seniors enroll in a structured, year-long program in areas like electrical, robotics, plumbing, carpentry, HVAC, automotive, welding, IT/networking, advanced manufacturing, or building maintenance.</li><li>Programs are co-designed with unions and employers. Unions, registered apprenticeship programs, trade schools, and community colleges help set standards, provide instructors, and guarantee that coursework and hours count toward real credentials and apprenticeships.</li><li>Students earn industry-recognized credentials. Graduates leave with certifications, foundational skills in their chosen trade, and documented training hours that can be applied to registered apprenticeships or technical degrees.</li><li>Hands-on training plus life skills. Shop and job-site experience are paired with financial literacy, workplace rights, communication, and entrepreneurship—because many tradespeople go on to run their own businesses or lead teams.</li><li>Paid work-based learning whenever possible. Youth apprenticeships, paid internships, and on-the-job training—especially on publicly funded projects—help students earn income while they learn.</li></ul><h3>Implementation: Making Senior Pathways Real</h3>To make the Senior Pathways model work nationwide, I support:<ul><li>Federal Senior Pathways Grants. Competitive and formula-based funding for states and districts to redesign 12th grade, build college and trade partnerships, modernize CTE labs and equipment, and train teachers.</li><li>National recognition frameworks.<ul><li>A General Education Transfer Framework so coursework in the Senior Year University Pathway is portable across public institutions and, whenever possible, across state lines.</li><li>A Pre-Apprenticeship Recognition Framework so STRP hours and credentials are recognized by unions and employers in multiple states.</li></ul></li><li>Data and accountability focused on outcomes. States must track and report: college credit transfer rates, college persistence and completion for students in the Senior Year University Pathway, apprenticeship placement and completion for STRP students, and wage and employment outcomes.</li><li>Strong protections for students. Clear rules ensure work-based learning is safe, supervised, and fairly compensated; guardrails prevent students from being steered into a pathway based on race, income, disability, or language status instead of their interests and goals.</li></ul><h3>Student Choice and Counseling</h3>A core feature of this policy is informed student choice:<ul><li>Every junior would receive robust college and career counseling, exposure to both pathways, and information about the long-term implications of each option.</li><li>Students could blend or switch between pathways—for example, taking college-level math and writing through the Senior Year University Pathway while also completing a trades pre-apprenticeship sequence.</li><li>Families and students make the final decision, not test scores or arbitrary tracking.</li></ul>By treating a future electrician with the same respect as a future engineer, and by making 12th grade count as a real on-ramp to both college and the trades, the Senior Pathways Act would align our schools with the real economy, reduce student debt, and give every young person a meaningful head start on the future they choose.

We need a wholesale new vision of what 12th Grade looks like for high school seniors. 12th Graders should be leaving school with one of two things: (1) the equivalent of a first year University General Education core courses or (2) a full year of trade school to allow a student to quickly enter the trades after high school.

Reimagining 12th Grade

<h3>The Goal</h3>No one in America should lose healthcare because they changed jobs, moved states, or couldn’t afford the premium that month.My plan is simple: 👉 Every American gets access to Medicare. 👉 We pay for it fairly by taxing both wages and capital gains to contribute with a tax on wealth for anyone who has a net worth of greater than $10M but who has not paid any income taxes or capital gains taxes. 👉 We phase it in over five years so families, businesses, and workers in the health insurance industry have a smooth transition.<h3>How We Get There</h3>1. Expand Medicare to Everyone, Step by StepInstead of flipping a switch overnight, we phase in Medicare by age groups over five years:<ul><li>Year 1: Cover children 0–4 and adults 57–64</li><li>Year 2: Expand to kids 0–9 and adults 52–64</li><li>Year 3: Expand to kids 0–17 and adults 47–64</li><li>Year 4: Cover everyone under 18 and adults 40–64</li><li>Year 5: All ages are covered by Medicare</li></ul>During this transition, employer plans, Medicaid, CHIP, and ACA marketplace plans stay in place for those not yet covered, so nobody falls through the cracks. By Year 5, Medicare becomes the universal baseline for healthcare in America.<h3>What Medicare for Every American Covers</h3>Every person would have access to a comprehensive Medicare benefit, including:<ul><li>Primary and preventive care</li><li>Hospital and emergency care</li><li>Prescription drugs</li><li>Mental and behavioral health</li><li>Maternity and pediatric care</li><li>Chronic disease management</li><li>Dental, Vision and Hearing care</li></ul>Out-of-pocket costs are capped and predictable, especially for low- and middle-income families, instead of today’s surprise bills and skyrocketing premiums.<h3>How We Pay for It — Fairly</h3>Right now, a nurse or bus driver pays Medicare taxes on every paycheck, but many of the wealthiest Americans pay lower effective rates because so much of their income comes from investments.My plan:<ul><li>Keeps the Medicare tax on wages for employers and employees</li><li>Adds the Medicare tax to capital gains and other investment income for high-wealth individuals</li><li>Protects working families and small businesses with thresholds and credits so the burden doesn’t fall on those who can least afford it</li></ul>If you work for a living, you shouldn’t be paying a higher share of your income for healthcare than a billionaire who lives off their stock portfolio.<h3>Protecting Jobs &amp; Keeping the System Stable</h3>Hundreds of thousands of Americans work in the health insurance industry—and they didn’t cause this broken system. We owe them stability and a future.My plan includes:<ul><li>Priority hiring into the expanded Medicare system and related roles</li><li>Paid retraining and education for new careers in healthcare, health tech, and administration</li><li>Wage and job transition supports so families aren’t left in crisis</li></ul>We can move to a simpler, fairer system without throwing workers away.<h3>What This Means for You</h3>Under my plan:<ul><li>You keep your doctor and hospital network, but your insurance card says “Medicare” instead of a private carrier.</li><li>Your coverage doesn’t vanish if you lose your job or switch employers.</li><li>Small businesses no longer have to navigate complex, expensive group health plans just to stay competitive.</li><li>Families get peace of mind knowing their children and aging parents are covered—no matter what.</li></ul><h3>My Commitment</h3>I will fight for a phased, realistic transition to Medicare for Every American that:<ul><li>Delivers true universal coverage</li><li>Lowers overall costs for working families and small businesses</li><li>Makes the wealthy pay their fair share</li><li>Protects workers whose jobs are tied to today’s insurance system</li></ul>Healthcare in America doesn’t have to be this chaotic or this cruel. We have the tools. We have the money. What we need is the political will.Let’s build a healthcare system that finally works for everyone.

So many people talk about getting us to a Single Payer plan. Medicare for All has been a campaign slogan for a decade now. I believe we need to move to a system where everyone has healthcare under Medicare, but there has to be a solid transition plan for how we get there because it will not happen overnight. I have laid out a plan for how we do this.

Universal Medicare and Viable Transition Plan

<h2>A Proposal for True Immigration Reform</h2><h3>1) Set clear annual (and 3-year) immigration targets by category</h3>Create a statutory “U.S. Immigration Levels Plan” published every year with a 3-year horizon (economic, family, humanitarian), similar to Canada’s approach. Canada publicly sets projected totals and category shares in its levels planning. Why it matters: Congress and the public can see the plan, agencies can staff to it, and employers/families get predictability.<h3>2) Build a single, points-based “Economic PR” system (the U.S. Express Entry equivalent)</h3>Create one federal economic stream that works like Canada’s Express Entry:<ul><li>Online candidate pool (people submit a profile)</li><li>A transparent points grid that ranks candidates (age, education, English ability, work experience, U.S. job offer, U.S. experience, etc.)</li><li>Regular invitation rounds where the government invites the highest-scoring candidates to apply for permanent residence </li></ul>U.S. design choices (key calls Congress would make):<ul><li>Points for U.S. labor needs: give extra points for higher wages, verified shortage occupations, critical skills, and U.S. work experience (similar to how points systems reward “human capital” and job-market fit).</li><li>Category-based draws: allow targeted invitation rounds (e.g., healthcare, STEM, trades) </li><li>Cap alignment: set an annual economic Permanent Resident number and run draws until it’s filled.</li></ul>For context, the U.S. already has statutory worldwide minimums like ~140,000 employment-based and 226,000 family-sponsored preference in visa bulletin calculations; a modern system would reorganize how economic slots are awarded rather than relying on long queues and fragmented pathways. <h3>3) Create a “State Nominee Program” (Canada’s PNP, but American)</h3>Give states (and potentially major metro regions) an allocation of nominations tied to labor shortages and population needs. If a state nominates a candidate, that candidate receives a large points boost in the federal pool.Why it matters: It lets Iowa, Michigan, and upstate New York compete for talent with different needs than NYC/SF—without creating a totally separate federal bureaucracy for each region.<h3>4) Modernize family immigration with clearer lanes and faster timelines</h3>Keep a dedicated family sponsorship track A Canada-like reform usually does two things:<ul><li>Defines who qualifies (spouses/partners, dependent kids, parents/grandparents with rules)</li><li>Pairs eligibility with processing standards (digital case management, predictable timelines)</li></ul>Congress could decide whether to preserve the U.S. concept of “immediate relatives” being uncapped, or move closer to Canada’s more explicitly planned family intake—but either way, the “modernization” is: simpler rules + faster adjudication + transparent targets.<h3>5) Make processing truly digital, measurable, and fast</h3>A Canada-like system also means end-to-end online intake and measurable service standards (Canada publishes processing-time tools and describes Express Entry timelines/steps such as invitations and application windows). (<a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/services/application/check-processing-times.html?utm_source=chatgpt.com">Canada</a>)U.S. implementation moves:<ul><li>One federal portal for economic candidates (profile → invite → upload → decision)</li><li>API-like data sharing across DHS/State/Labor (identity, security checks, credentials)</li><li>Public dashboards: inventory, median processing times, and targets vs. actuals</li></ul><h3>6) Manage the transition (so you don’t strand people mid-line)</h3>A workable transition plan usually includes:<ul><li>Grandfathering existing applicants in current queues</li><li>Standing up the new pool for new applicants starting on a fixed date</li><li>A backlog reduction surge (staffing + overtime + process simplification) so the old system winds down rather than lingering for decades</li></ul>

Immigration is deeply personal to me. I’ve watched family, friends, and employees struggle against a system designed to make it hard to gain and keep legal status. Over the years, I’ve sponsored employees so they could stay, work, and contribute to our city and our country—many of whom have gone on to become citizens and start their own businesses.

Immigrants Deserve Our Respect and Support

Clean Elections &amp; Real TransparencyWe need to push back on the Supreme Court and if need be we need a Constitutional Amendment that once and for all gets rid of the corrupting influence of money in our politics. One of the thing every candidate for office will tell you they hate most is the fundraising piece. Our democracy works best when elections are decided by voters, not by billionaire donors and dark-money groups. I support a public financing system that empowers small donors and makes it possible for anyone—teacher, nurse, gig worker, small-business owner—to run a competitive campaign without being owned by special interests.Under my plan, every campaign dollar must go directly to the candidate’s committee and be fully disclosed. No secret super PACs, no shadowy nonprofits, no shell games. If someone wants to spend money to influence an election, voters should know who they are—period.Publicly financed, fully transparent campaigns would:<ul><li>Reduce corruption and “pay-to-play” politics</li><li>Give ordinary people a real voice in who represents them</li><li>Free elected officials to spend more time governing, not dialing for dollars</li><li>Strengthen our democracy against authoritarianism and oligarchic control</li><li>Provide every US citizen with vouchers they can contribute to the candidates of their choice putting power into the hands of Americans instead of private corporations or shadowy interest groups</li></ul>Elections should be funded in the sunlight. Every dollar, every donor, on the record.

It is time to end pay to play politics in America. My first campaign as an adult was McCain 2000 when I was 18 years old. The top reason I was motivated to be involved in that campaign was the McCain Feingold legislation that put limits on the corrupting influence of money. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court has gutted that legislation. We need to fight back and reclaim our democracy.

Publicly Financed Campaigns

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Micah Bergdale is a Democratic candidate for Congress in New York’s 12th District, focused on delivering practical solutions to the biggest challenges facing New Yorkers. His campaign centers on fixing transit, lowering housing costs, strengthening democratic rights, and making everyday life in Manhattan and Queens more affordable and reliable. With a background in real-world problem-solving, Micah is running to bring effective, commonsense leadership to Washington.

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